Sentences with phrase «american public thought»

We have to start by recognizing that there have always been divides in American public thought.
Why was there such a disconnect in American public thought?
Actually, it's due to the polls cited in the article — and those I have seen elsewhere — that suggest that the American public thinks, among other things, that scientists are still trying to determine if global warming is for real and that it's a major issue in the upcoming Presidential election.
This one, from the Pew Research Center, finds that two - thirds of the American public think parents aren't putting enough pressure on their kids to study hard.
Not surprisingly, the American public thinks we should be making greater investments in education, with polls showing strong and growing support for increased spending.
Do skeptics really want the American public thinking in those terms....?
They then said that there was a clear consensus that the American public thinks that the climate change threat is real.
The Times story said Facebook in 2017 commissioned opinion surveys to see what the American public thinks of the two top executives.

Not exact matches

Two polls published in recent days reinforced the idea that the American public generally disapproves of the Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) and doesn't think it would benefit their personal finances.
In a poll commissioned in conjunction with tonight's show, the Marist Institute for Public Opinion found that more than seven in 10 Americans do not think private companies should be required to publish the salaries of its employees, nor should firms disclose pay rates internally.
«I do think that Republicans have found that trying to shut down the government or threatening the full faith and credit of the United States of America over Obamacare was something that the American public had very little patience for,» deputy press secretary Joshua Earnest told me at the White House press briefing on Thursday.
Given that fundamental aspects of how the Internet works are being decided by the PMO, Shade and Moll say it's up to the public to get Canadian politicians «up to speed» on net neutrality the way the American public did in the U.S. To date, there is scarce indication that any of the major parties are thinking about the issue; McArthur says a letter to his Conservative MP in Edmonton didn't even generate a standard response letter.
Loyola keeping a Catholic identity helps promote real intellectual diversity in American public life (and, again, I'd say the same as to other religious universities; I can imagine some religious belief systems that are so pernicious that, while they must be constitutionally protected, we can still say they hurt American life more than they help it, but I think that most of the traditions that found universities do have a good deal to contribute).
His policy research has been published by think tanks in Canada and the United States including the American Enterprise Institute, the Brookings Institution, the C.D. Howe Institute, the Fraser Institute, the Institute for Research on Public Policy, the Macdonald - Laurier Institute, the Migration Policy Institute and the Woodrow Wilson Center.
A survey from the Public Religion Research Institute has determined that 2 percent of all Americans think the Mayans called it: December 21 is the end, and we're only one week out from the credits rolling.
When First Things was founded, Richard John Neuhaus and his co-conspirators thought a renewed religious voice in public life could reshape American politics.
The Ethics and Public Policy Center in Washington, D.C., with which I am pleased to be affiliated, was founded in the 1970s in large measure to combat the perception that an intellectually and morally impoverished understanding of the dominant American religious traditions had rendered those traditions useless, or (as in the lamentable presidency of Jimmy Carter) worse than useless in guiding Americans» thinking about a sensible and responsible foreign policy.
I am weary of an American public that is all too willing to accept the lies and half - truths instead of thinking for themselves or calling themselves Christians too and are a too willing to demonize the very people they should be helping.
This is why there is simply no such thing as a profound question in American public life, an astonishing thing when one stops to think about it but so obviously true that it is easy to miss.
A study done in 2005 by Dr. Jon D. Miller of Northwestern University, an expert in the public understanding of science and technology, found that one in five American adults thinks the Sun revolves around the Earth.
A paper that thinks hermaphrodite rights one of the important questions of our time, a paper that editorially endorses the worship of the great nature goddess Gaia, a paper that advocates the demonstration of condoms to fourth graders in public school, a paper that condemns as religious fanatics those who favor the protection of the unborn, a paper that derides as extremist the views of a majority of Americans and of two Presidents they elected, this is simply not a serious paper.
The chatter around a poll released Wednesday by the Public Religion Research Institute and the Religion News Service will likely focus on the findings highlighted in their news release: 82 % of Americans surveyed believe that bin Laden distorted the teachings of Islam to suit his own purposes; 65 % believe the al Qaeda leader is rotting in hell; and 62 % think it is wrong to celebrate the death of another human being.
Why do you think that video struck such a nerve, and what might the reaction to it reveal about common misconceptions about liberation theology among the American public?
Until quite recently, Americans have debated the issues of public morality in theological terms which they thought had something to do with truth claims.
Think of the low - rise, high - density character of neighborhoods in Paris, London or Charleston, or any pre-1945 American town or city neighborhood, which are characterized above all by a beautiful, walkable, convenient public realm that more than compensates for their small building parcels.
I would add, following the example of the best American Catholic «public philosophers» John Courtney Murray and Orestes Brownson, that we should, as loyal Americans [we Porchers and REM fans are all about standing for the place where we live], actually explain why our Fathers built better than they knew — which means criticizing their thinking and affirming [most of] their practice with a theory that at least wasn't completely their own.
But whether it was the by - product of Burton K. Wheeler's progressivist politics, Joseph P. Kennedy's Anglophobia, Charles A. Lindbergh's racial and eugenic speculations, or Robert A. Taft's business - oriented conservatism, isolationism was thought to be finished as a serious force in American public life after December 7, 1941.
Granted, President Bush did make a public relations misstep in the days immediately following the 9/11 attacks when he called the coming U.S - led war against global terrorism a «crusade» and promised that terrorists would face the «full wrath» of the U.S. «A lot of people think that America is out to get Islam, anyway,» Joshua Salaam, director of the Council on American - Islamic Relations, warned at the time.
But America is good, it seems, in part because it can find places for Southerners, especially Southern Stoics (think the novelist Tom Wolfe, Atticus Finch, Admiral Stockdale, Navy SEALS, and the proud men of Morehouse), Catholics (as, to begin with, the best organized in countercultural thought and action of our large institutional religions), and Heideggerians (who are right, after all, about the American propensity for inauthentically deferring to the «they» of public opinion and scientific expertise).
The revision of American thought and practice about life questions began with abortion, and examination of the moral confusion attending that issue helps us understand more general developments in public morality.
Most Americans believe, when they think of the issue at all, that our disputes over the role of religion in public life and discourse are pretty heated» though for some of us they aren't nearly hot enough.
And what exactly do you think the American public's reaction will be the first time it's revealed that a judge, legislator, or city official was coerced by them?
While it used to serve Americans well to carry the label «Christian» in most circumstances (think about running for public office, for instance), it can actually be polarizing or considered intolerant now.
But the understandable anxiety of American Jews over the future of Israel — especially when they hear of rocket attacks by terrorists against villages in northern Israel (and of Israel's massive retaliation)-- should not lead American Jews to think that unceasing pressure against the president, the Congress and public opinion in this country represents the best means of ensuring Israel's future security.
What I think you meant is, «the American public was stupid enough to re-elect Bush».
He writes, correctly I think, that «gay - marriage proponents succeeded so quickly because they showed the public that what they were fighting for was consonant with what most post-1960s Americans already believed about the meaning of sex and marriage.»
For example, one of the Gallup surveys mentioned earlier showed that 60 percent of the American public personally considered prayer to be very important and another 22 percent regarded it as fairly important; by comparison, only 39 percent thought that reading the Bible is very important, 38 percent thought that attending religious services is very important, and 28 percent thought that being part of a close religious fellowship group is very important.
Whatever your thoughts about ghana's education are we are based on the much better British system rather than your hollow American one hence with only a tiny proportion graduating your government seeks to employ them in your public services.
Since the emergence of Populism in the 1890s, thinking about American public policy has been dominated by what might be called the progressive paradigm.
Reduced to essentials, Shaw's contention is that Hecker and those of his «Americanist» cast of mind did represent an assimilationist current in U.S. Catholic thought — a tendency to bend over backwards to «fit into» American culture — that eventually made possible Ted Kennedy, Barbara Mikulski, Nancy Pelosi, and Joe Biden: cradle - Catholic politicians who support public policies that flatly contradict basic moral truths taught by the Church on the basis of reason and revelation, justify their votes in the name of «democracy» and «pluralism,» and are supported by a lot of fellow - Catholics in doing so.
I will say though that I recall these being noted on her site as Diana Kennedy's carnitas and I think it's an important distinction to make: — RRB - since Diana Kennedy did the real legwork in investigating the Mexican kitchen and interpreting it for the American public decades ago: --RRB-
I don't think Asians or Africans are as reluctant to call out corruption as the English are when it comes to their refs, and that the American public don't like games being decided by the refs rather than the players.
This relatively new movement, which is also sometimes called student - centered learning, has its roots in the progressive strain of American educational thought, but its current incarnation is also based on the modern belief, common among corporate executives and other business leaders, that there is a major and potentially calamitous disconnect brewing between the historical structures and traditions of the American public school system and the labor - force demands of the 21st - century American economy.
But public policy hasn't caught up, argues Sarah Jane Glynn, senior policy adviser at the Center for American Progress, a left - leaning think tank in the nation's capital.
It's a troubling fact that over half of Americans think breastfeeding in public is an obscene act.
Fifty - seven percent of Americans think women shouldn't nurse in public.
American's have been brainwashed to think public sector unions are a problem... in reality — facing greater income inequality it is time for private sector employees to fully understand the benefits of collective bargaining!
No one can possibly understand the American Revolution — more properly described as the American secession from the British Empire — without grasping its theoretical dimensions, beginning with the claims of the Declaration of Independence endorsing popular sovereignty and the ability of the people to «alter and abolish» existing systems of government whenever that would be thought conducive to public happiness.
«I think that it's very clear that the American public, the constituents, aren't happy with the way things are going in DC, particularly with this Congress.
There is a sense that the fundamental fairness that is a critical part of the American social compact has been lost, and I think that as attorney general, I would work not just to see that everybody plays by the rules but to restore public confidence in big banks, insurance companies.
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