Sentences with phrase «american sociologist»

C. Wright Mills, an American sociologist writing in the 1950s on «Intellectual Craftsmanship» (an appendix to his book, The Sociological Imagination) captured nicely the tension in academic writing that can equally apply to legal writing.

The title of the exhibition refers to American sociologist and civil rights activist W.E.B. Du Bois» seminal work The Souls of Black Folk.

The exhibition's title references the book by the American sociologist and MIT professor Sherry Turkle: «Alone together.

James S. Coleman, 1926 — 95, American sociologist, was born in Bedford, Indiana, and taught at Stanford, the University of Chicago, and Johns Hopkins University.

When I spoke with Eric Anderson, an American sociologist at England's University of Winchester and author of the provocative book, The Monogamy Gap: Men, Love, and the Reality of Cheating, he said people are afraid to be honest about things like their sexual needs and desires that monogamy doesn't allow, and because of that they often start cheating:

According to my chat with Eric Anderson, an American sociologist at England's University of Winchester and author of The Monogamy Gap: Men, Love, and the Reality of Cheating, the college men in his study who cheated on their partners all said they loved them and didn't want to lose them.

Our current contract — «until death» — might have worked when people didn't live all that long (according to the American sociologist and author Stephanie Coontz, the average marriage in colonial times lasted under 12 years); or when many women died in childbirth, freeing men to marry multiple times (which they did); and when men of means needed women to cook, clean and caretake, and women needed men for financial security.

When I interviewed Eric Anderson, an American sociologist at England's University of Winchester, a few years ago, when his provocative book, The Monogamy Gap: Men, Love, and the Reality of Cheating, was published, I was disturbed by his claim that cheating is a rational choice for people constrained by the social dictate of monogamy.

The question of the sociology of religion may be cited as an example of the relation between Religionswissenschaft and another discipline According to Professor E. A. Shils: «It is scarcely to be expected that American sociologists would make contributions to the sociological study of religion along the lines of Max Weber's Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Religionssoziologie.

Not exact matches

«Net worth dropped long before the recession, if you exclude housing wealth,» says sociologist Fabian Pfeffer, research assistant professor at the University of Michigan's Institute for Social Research, who adds that wealth for many Americans began to decline in the mid-1980s.

In The Asian American Achievement Paradox, sociologists Jennifer Lee and Min Zhou offer a compelling account of the academic achievement of the children of Asian immigrants.

According to the sociologist Harriet B. Presser, as of 2003, two - fifths of American workers were working non-standard hours — «in the evening, at night, on a rotating shift, or during the weekend» — and she wasn't counting those who bring their work home and do it on their off - hours, or who are self - employed.»

Alternatively, many sociologists predicted that, with the increasing emphasis on individualism and the therapeutic in American culture, religion would have an increasingly marginal influence on domestic life, and the traditional family as the 1950s knew it would gradually disappear in the face of «family modernization,» as some theorists called it.

Sociologist Robert Bellah first applied the term «civil religion» to American politics in a 1967 essay.

Distinguished sociologist Peter Berger defends what he regards as American civil religion, the first commandment of which is (he says) «Thou shalt be tolerant!»

Lindsay is a sociologist at Rice University, and he examines with care the ascendancy of evangelicals in four sectors of the American elite: politics, the academy, arts and entertainment, and corporate leadership.

In the winter of 1954, Will Herberg, the best untrained sociologist in America, turned his attention to the sociology of American religion.

The distinguished sociologist of the University of Virginia and author of the acclaimed Culture Wars here undertakes a close examination of what, in theory and practice, «moral education» means in most American schools.

Exploring the influence of televangelism on American religion in his book The Struggle for America's Soul, Princeton sociologist Robert Wuthnow presents a typical, though hypothetical, case study: Mabel Miller.

When sociologist Orrin Klapp, in 1962, categorized the five most popular American social types, he included among «winners» giants of intellect as well as exemplars of brawny physique (Heroes, Villains, Fools: The Changing American Character [Prentice - Hall], chapter 1).

My findings confirm what sociologist Robert Wuthnow discovered in his study of American religious life: people divorce economics from religion.

The problems appear in much that precedes them, reflecting a general ignorance of American religious history and the sociologist's fallacy of regarding everything that happens now as something new and unprecedented.

In One Nation After All (1998), sociologist Alan Wolfe cautioned that we over-emphasize the extremes of American discourse and neglect the moderate middle ground.

Another sociologist, George Stewart, had written in 1954 that if Americans did expect foreigners to change their language, «we did not really expect a man to change his faith.»

Though there can be hardly any doubt that a full yet cautious use of statistics can be of great use to the sociologist of religion, there has been, at least until recently, a difference in practice between continental and American students.

Continental sociologists have often been critical of their Anglo - American colleagues for stressing too heavily Weber's interest in the subjective.

In 1995, the sociologist N. J. Demerath observed that mainline Protestantism has a paradoxical status in American life.

The author is a sociologist who directs American studies at Bayreuth University in Germany, and he here succeeds in bringing together an enormous range of data that he joins to astute social analysis.

Theologians, sociologists, historians and other standard commentators on religion are not likely to grow insecure reading this account of «the American religion.»

It seems to me that the current general statements made by historians, literary historians, and sociologists about American civilization often do not do justice to the fact that a considerable part of the American ethos is still, though less than in earlier periods of American history, expressed in religious commitment and its sociological expression.

This cheerful way of looking at the world, which is part of the very structure of American culture, can be seen in the experience of all newcomers to the country of what the sociologist John Murray Cuddihy has aptly called the «ordeal of civility.»

What Küng has observed firsthand is a validation of what sociologists and pollsters have been telling us for years: masses of Americans are having difficulty coping with the loss of certainty that is perhaps the most telling feature of postmodern culture.

Gayle recently spoke with D. Michael Lindsay, sociologist, newly appointed president of Gordon College, and author of multiple books, including Faith in the Halls of Power: How Evangelicals Joined the American Elite.

Sociologists have shown that two - thirds of Americans see no contradiction between God's being loving and his being just.

This contrasts with the climate of American public schooling as described by sociologist Anthony Bryk et al. in Catholic Schools and the Common Good (1993, 2009): «Mirroring the spiritual vacuum at the heart of contemporary American society, schools now enculturate this emptiness in our children....

McDonough, a trained sociologist, is the author of Men Astutely Trained, a long book describing the difficulties of American Jesuits as they make the transition «from a rule - governed hierarchy to a role - driven network.»

Studying the reaction to the Columbine High School shootings, this University of Southern California sociologist describes how Americans quickly traced the rampage to the lyrics and video of a song by the band Pearl Jam.

Factoring out the differentials in fertility, the sociologists estimated that without them, the American public would be more pro-choice by about 5 percent.

The authors, Neil Howe and William Strauss, have of late astounded armchair sociologists with their predictions about the «turnings» of history, the approximately twenty - year cycles in which American society gets....

Smith, a Catholic sociologist, wisely and graciously deconstructs Biblicism, an approach to reading the Bible common among American evangelicals that «emphasizes together the Bible's exclusive authority, infallibility, clarity, self - sufficiency, internal consistency, self - evident meaning, and universal applicability.»

Presbyterian organizational life verifies sociologist James Davison Hunter's observation that American culture has come to be characterized by «the politicization of nearly everything... the turn toward law and politics — the instrumentality of the state — to find solutions to public problems.»

Sociologists have long pointed out that the one hour of church on Sunday morning is the most segregated hour in American life.

To be sure, the ULCA at that time was very much an American institution, and as such it partook of American normality (which, much later, as a sociologist, I would call the «OK world» of middle - class America).

A noted sociologist analyzes the reasons behind the current religious malaise in American culture, then proposes three possible scenarios for the future.

Over the last few decades, for example, political scientists, sociologists, and scholars of the American Founding have all pointed out that a smidgen of religious belief seems necessary to prevent modern liberalism from devouring its own political and economic gains.

Marsden concludes by reporting on sociologists David Riesman and Christopher Jencks's study of American higher education in the 1960s, which found that Protestant churches were «hardly consequential for the system as a whole.»

Yet here he is, a non-Christian sociologist, surveying the American religious landscape, and arriving at the conclusion that the church has lost its power and influence because it now caters to the demands and desires of the people, rather than holding fast to Biblical truth.

The recent trends in religious television raise questions and issues which are of importance not only for political observers, but also for religious communicators, sociologists, and those concerned with understanding how television functions in American society.

That mystique has been unremittingly purveyed ever since by our communications media, commercial propaganda and educational institutions, by anthropologists, psycho - analysts and sociologists, and not least by the pulpiteers, educators and counselors in most American Christian churches.

dIn 1929, sociologists Robert and Helen Lynd published Middletown: A Study in Modern American Culture, an enduring work that was designed to study your average small American city over a long period.