Sentences with phrase «american underclass»

A recent US museum tour, «the kids are alright,» places his work in the context of the struggle of the young American underclass to make a living in dire economic times, as does a New York show this fall entitled, «Homeland (In) Security.»

Lillian stows away in the bathrooms of passenger trains, walks across most of Alaska, trades sex for security and immerses herself in Seattle's African - American underclass.

Just like that, director David Mackenzie establishes, first, the idea that the men in that blue Camaro are up to no good; second, the current of economic desperation driving screenwriter Taylor Sheridan's story; and third, the religious posturing that offers an alternative to existential despair, with roadside churches, TV evangelists, and Christian radio offering a relentless white - noise stream of piety on demand to an American underclass with nowhere left to turn.

For its truthful, freewheeling, visually and tonally colorful portrayal of the American underclass, THE FLORIDA PROJECT would seem like a shoo - in for the Spirit Awards.

It's a breathtaking vision of fighting spirit and how the modern American underclass take any action available (legal or otherwise) for the purposes of self - betterment.

Not exact matches

According to the Washington Post, Luis V. Gutierrez quoted Paul Ryan as saying ««You're a Catholic; I'm a Catholic; we can not have a permanent underclass of Americans exploited in America,» Ryan is absolutely right, which is why Gang of Eight - style immigration reform is....

Opposing the existence of «a permanent underclass of Americans exploited in America» should be our highest priority in immigration policy.

Anyone who reads The Catholic Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, however, must recognize that, far from being uncritical, Novak evinces an intense and well - informed sense about where the American experiment has gone wrong and is going wrong» from race relations, to the urban underclass, to crime, and the debasement of popular culture.

Those who come to work hard and are eager to be part of the American mainstream should be welcomed; the best of intentions and behavior does not justify flouting the law; any self - respecting nation must be able to control its borders; an underclass of millions with no legal existence poses a serious security problem; the economy depends on those who do the work Americans will not do; and on and on.

I stand by my argument that saturating our labor markets and swelling our already ample underclass with third - world economic migrants is exhausting our capacity to aid the vaster numbers who are left behind, let alone the needy Americans who have nowhere else to go.

The overwhelming majority of Hispanics have been condemned, along with the majority of blacks, to be the permanent underclass of North American society.

The crisis of black liberalism and the emergence of the new black conservatives can best be understood in light of three fundamental events in American society and culture since 1973: the eclipse of U.S. economic and military predominance in the world; the structural transformation of the American economy; and the moral breakdown of communities throughout the country, especially among the black working poor and underclass.

I suspected when I first heard this claim that the Committee on the Status of Black Americans, loaded as it was with social scientists, had demolished a straw man, a bloodless construct so rigidly defined as to be meaningless in terms of the actual lives of the humans who inhabit the nation's ghettos and who, for the most part, make up what has come to be called the underclass.

In these pages I argued that the real problem of «aliens» among us is represented not by immigrants but by the urban underclass and the intellectual overclass, both of whom are profoundly alienated from the rights and responsibilities of the American experience (see «The Aliens Among Us,» The Public Square, August / September 1993).

D'Souza's conclusion is that there are three possible explanations for the sad state of so many black Americans, especially the millions in the urban underclass.

Surveying the ravaged landscape of the Detroit area — which could be a stand - in for post-Katrina New Orleans, or any other condemned, jobless American blight — Gosling turns common underclass desperation and exploitation into the stuff of nightmares.

New American auteurs Ben and Josh Safdie have moved away from the unhurried style of their earlier films (Daddy Longlegs, Heaven Knows What), producing a tense, funny crime film set over one terrible night when everything goes wrong for its underclass crim protagonists.

After Del's ancient truck breaks down, cinematographer Magnus Nordenhof Jønck («A War») keeps us close to the sagebrush and flatlands of Eastern Oregon as the boy and his horse (to whom he confides his innermost thoughts) travel together on foot, coming into contact with both the hard working underclass of American society and the dregs who prey on the innocent and trusting.

The Politics and Practice of School Accountability (co-editor with Martin R. West) The Future of School Choice (editor) Our Schools and our Future (editor) City Limits The Urban Underclass (co-edited with Christopher Jencks) Price of Federalism Welfare Magnets (with Mark C. Rom) The New American Democracy (with Morris P. Fiorina, Bertram Johnson, and William G. Mayer) Four of his books have received major awards from the American Political Science Association.

«Waiting for «Superman»» doesn't explore the deeper changes in American society that have led to this crisis: the widening gap between rich and poor, the loosening of the social contract, the coarsening of the culture and the despair of the underclass.

At this moment, education traditionalists, including Ravitch, defend a failed, enslaving vision of American public education under which far too many young and women will become members of a permanent economic underclass.