Sentences with phrase «black voters in the state»

Hebert signed on to briefs supporting the black voters in both states.

The claim made by black voters in both states is that Republicans packed districts with more reliably Democratic black voters than necessary to elect their preferred candidates, making neighboring districts whiter and more Republican.

A 2015 BAEO survey of Black voters in the state indicated strong across the board support for choice programs — 78 % supported parental choice, 66 % approved of charter schools and 63 % favored vouchers / scholarships.

A 2015 BAEO survey of Black voters in the state indicated strong across the board support for choice programs — 78 percent supported parental choice, 66 percent approved of charter schools and 63 percent favored vouchers / scholarships.

Not exact matches

Recent polls have shown that Trump had 0 % approval among black voters in Ohio and Pennsylvania, key states.

Black voters in red states should vote as they usually do for candidates, down the ballot — and leave their choice for President blank.

While their contributions as pivotal voters have gone largely unacknowledged, Ohio black voters, in particular, have pulled more than their weight for Democratic victories in one of the most highly contested states in the Electoral College.

But J. Gerald Hebert, director of the Voting Rights and Redistricting Program at the public - interest Campaign Legal Center in Washington, said the states drew districts with more black voters than necessary to «dilute their voting strength in order to achieve a partisan gain.»

By converting «wasted» presidential votes into «none of the above» or support for third - party candidates in Oklahoma, Arizona and other deep red states in the South — the Confederacy, essentially — black voters would exert pressure on party leaders to not take black voters and their issues for granted.

Naming her director was a part of Trump's strategy to win over the African American community in the U.S., especially after recent polls showed he had 0 % approval among black voters in Ohio and Pennsylvania — key states for the Republican nominee.

Not only do we think black voters should abstain from voting for the Democratic presidential nominee in red states, we also think black voters should continue their role as pivotal voters in battleground states.

As they enthusiastically did in 2008 and 2012, black voters should turn out in massive numbers this November in states where their votes can determine the margin of victory for the Democratic nominee — Michigan, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina and Florida.

According to estimates by the Joint Center for Political and Economic Studies, black voters contributed roughly 70 % of Obama's share of the vote in the state, both in 2008 and 2012.

After routing Clinton in New Hampshire and finishing a strong second in Iowa, states with nearly all - white populations, Nevada's Democratic caucuses gave Sanders his first chance to prove he can win over black and Hispanic voters and compete nationally as the race moves to states with more diverse populations.

In California, 70 % of African - Americans supported Prop 8, the 2008 state gay marriage ban, even though 94 % of black voters in California backed ObamIn California, 70 % of African - Americans supported Prop 8, the 2008 state gay marriage ban, even though 94 % of black voters in California backed Obamin California backed Obama.

Sometimes an image tells the story, and in this case, the story is that Voter ID laws are concentrated in formerly Confederate states, places where poll taxes and similar laws once kept black voters out of the political process.

Cuomo's camp is particularly sensitive to his relationship with black voters following his aborted 2002 challenge to then - state Comptroller H. Carl McCall in the Democratic guberantorial primary.

As Cuomo huddled with a group of advisors that included former state Comptroller H. Carl McCall (the man he challenged in the 2002 Democratic gubernatorial primary, hurting his relationship with the black community), Manhattan Democratic Chairman / Assemblyman Keith Wright and former NYC Comptroller Bill Thompson, Paladino's campaign manager talked to Gerson Borrero about the GOP / Conservative nominee's efforts to woo Latino voters.

According to our analysis, the Crosscheck list disproportionately threatens solid Democratic constituencies: young, black, Hispanic and Asian - American voters — with some of the biggest possible purges underway in Ohio and North Carolina, two crucial swing states with tight Senate races.

Minority lawmakers in both chambers have been speaking out about the Senate's plan, which they say disenfranchises black and Latino voters all over the state, but particularly in NYC, on Long Island and in the Rochester and Buffalo areas.

Stringer himself, described by insiders as «in near panic» over his poor showing with black voters, belatedly responded last week by hiring two well - regarded African - American political operatives: Patrick Jenkins, a longtime confidant of US Rep. Gregory Meeks of Queens; and Kevin Wardally, an associate of the late Bill Lynch and an official at the Cuomo - controlled state Department of Labor.

A super PAC supporting state Sen. Adriano Espaillat in Tuesday's Democratic congressional primary for retiring Rep. Charles Rangel's seat suggests suppression of white and black voters can help the Dominican - born candidate win.

VRA - inspired gerrymandering marginalizes black voters influence in 2014 congressional & state legislature races.

Following Hurricane Katrina, Republicans argue, large numbers of black voters in the New Orleans area left the state, never to return.

in the more than a year since he began his White House bid, Trump has not held a single event aimed at black voters in their communities, and has also turned down repeated invitations to address gatherings of black leaders, ignored African - American conservatives in states he needs to win and made numerous inflammatory comments about minorities.

Democrats are especially worried, as their polls suggest that black voters, while heavily in Clinton's camp, will stay home on primary day because many assume the former secretary of state and New York senator will easily win the electoral contest.

Exit polls show President Obama with strong support among Black and Hispanic voters in the state.

[However] in four southern states — Aabama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Arkansas — Obama did more poorly than John Kerry did four years ago... During Reconstruction, there were as many as 16 black members of Congress, but by 1901, black Southerners had been virtually expunged from politics, even as voters... Governing is complicated, so merely winning an election does not constitute the end of the battle.»

That appraisal resonates in Georgia, where black voters turned out in large numbers several years ago to help pass a constitutional amendment confirming state authority to grant charters, but played a crucial role in the November defeat of the constitutional amendment for an Opportunity School District.

Especially when you consider that Alabama Republicans in control of state government have worked for the past decade to disenfranchise minority voters through efforts such as closing motor vehicle branches in Black communities, a key way of frustrating voter registration.

A recent survey reveals that Florida voters strongly oppose trophy hunting of Florida's recovering black bear population, and support efforts to crack down on puppy mills and stop forcing greyhound tracks to offer excessive amounts of live greyhound racing — three pressing animal welfare issues in the state.

Black people and Native Americans couldn't even vote until the latter half of the last century, and still today we see voter suppression happening in many states.

Shugerman also notes that in the early 1970s, when Tennessee and Florida became the only Southern states to use merit selection to choose their supreme courts, both states had seen «the most progress in registering black voters.»

Professor Jed Shugerman's history of judicial elections, «The People's Courts,» discussed how a few Southern states moved from judicial elections to merit selection in response to black voters regaining some power from 1950 to the early 1970s.