What needs, felt by whom, are met
by a civil religion?
Arguing they are unified
by a civil religion may be a difficult task, but it is made easier if a plausible case can be made for why a civil religion might develop in the first place.
And develop it did in America, to a degree of independence perhaps not matched
by the civil religion of any other society.
By civil religion I refer to that religious dimension, found I think in the life of every people, through which it interprets its historical experience in the light of transcendent reality.
Not exact matches
History s repleat however with wars and
civil strife caused
by religion.
NORTHERN I sincerely believe here that
by your definition the Nepalese, Colombian, Angolan, Burmese, Vietnamese, Chinese, Cambodian, etc
civil wars were caused
by religion.
a classical
civil religion of the Founders, laid out in Washington's first inaugural address and exemplified
by John Quincy Adams;
Since when has the Catholic church concerned itself with any other
civil rights besides the right of people to be deceived
by religion?
«Well aware that the opinions and belief of men depend not on their own will, but follow involuntarily the evidence proposed to their minds; that Almighty God hath created the mind free, and manifested his supreme will that free it shall remain
by making it altogether insusceptible of restraint; that all attempts to influence it
by temporal punishments, or burthens, or
by civil incapacitations, tend only to beget habits of hypocrisy and meanness, and are a departure from the plan of the holy author of our
religion, who being lord both of body and mind, yet chose not to propagate it
by coercions on either, as was in his Almighty power to do, but to extend it
by its influence on reason alone; that the impious presumption of legislators and rulers,
civil as well as ecclesiastical, who, being themselves but fallible and uninspired men, have assumed dominion over the faith of others, setting up their own opinions and modes of thinking as the only true and infallible, and as such endeavoring to impose them on others, hath established and maintained false
religions over the greatest part of the world and through all time.»
Religion News Service: Obama extols a biblical vision of equality for all in second inaugural A presidential inauguration is
by tradition the grandest ritual of America's
civil religion, but President Obama took the oath of office on Monday (Jan. 21) in a ceremony that was explicit in joining theology to the nation's destiny and setting out a biblical vision of equality that includes race, gender, class, and, most controversially, sexual orientation.
It was the Universal opinion of the Century preceding the last, that
Civil Govt could not stand without the prop of a Religious establishment, & that the Xn
religion itself, would perish if not supported
by a legal provision for its Clergy.
Varieties of
Civil Religion, a collection of essays published in that year by Phillip Hammond and myself, turned out to be my swan song with respect to civil reli
Civil Religion, a collection of essays published in that year
by Phillip Hammond and myself, turned out to be my swan song with respect to
civil reli
civil religion.
due to some crazy religious beliefs out there in the world i.e. marrying off young children and marrying genetic kin, the government can't ever allow
religion to dictate marriage policy, so have your ceremonies and deny same - gender couples to marry in your church but bluntly stated your crying and foot - stomping will accomplish nothing, marriage isn't a religious thing it is a
civil rights and equality thing, thus if the religious win
by denying same gender cuples their
civil rights to equal treatment under the law, then don't be surprised when others use those same grounds to deny you your rights under the law.
Nor was it only
civil religion that was affected
by the upheaval of the sixties.
But in taking the term «
civil religion» from Rousseau's Social Contract I was also bringing in a much more general concept, common in America in the eighteenth century but
by no means specifically American.
It was as if those who would be quite shocked if the essence of Christianity were judged
by the faith's most perverse historical expressions had no qualms in doing just that to American
civil religion.
This fundamental function of general
civil religion could be carried out
by churches that remained indifferent to the special
civil religion embodied in such documents as the Declaration of Independence and bound up with the history of the American nation, but most American religious groups have been able to affirm both general and special
civil religion as well as their own doctrinal peculiarities.
Fundamentalist Islam is at war with the West and its values of intellectual and
civil freedom and democracy — and it actually takes advantage of those liberties to advance its Jihad «holy war»
by using tax breaks for
religions to erect edifices or get subsidies for large Muslim families that are used to sway Western democracies, and, yes, suing for the right even to build a fundamentalist mosque at Ground Zero.
But
by 1961 the Supreme Court found itself having to acknowledge that «a sincere and meaningful belief which occupies in the life of its possessor a place parallel to that filled
by... God» in the life of others qualified as
religion in our
civil society.
No man [should] be compelled to frequent or support any religious worship, place, or ministry whatsoever, nor [should he] be enforced, restrained, molested, or burthened in his body or goods, nor... otherwise suffer on account of his religious opinions or belief... All men [should] be free to profess and
by argument to maintain their opinions in matters of
religion, and... the same [should] in no wise diminish, enlarge, or affect their
civil capacities.
A decade ago social scientists predicted the demise of
civil religion at the hands of the seemingly more aggressive individualistic and materialistic orientations supported
by utilitarianism.
religions to preach spirituality and morals are dying down based on scriptures, but are maintained
by civil law and orders.
In this view two currents of thought, staffed for the most part
by two groups of people, dominated the formative years of the American
civil religion.
But even this difference, while obvious and of enormous theological importance, does not
by itself explain the appearance of an independent
civil religion in the United States but not in Mexico.
I have mentioned the Athaeneum of intellectuals and educators who gathered around Justo Sierra in the late nineteenth century and, inspired partly
by Spencer and others, tried to create a
civil religion for Mexico.
The folly of Vietnam accompanied
by a failure of nerve in
civil rights and followed
by Watergate no doubt put American
civil religion to severe test.
The point is furthered when it is recognized that, like all belief systems,
civil religions must be «carried»
by organizational «vehicles.»
USA is not perfect
by any means but yet we live fairly
civil among many
religions, races etc..
Clearly,
by calling it «
civil,» he intended it in some sense to be independent of the church, and,
by calling it «
religion» he likewise intended it to be independent of the ruling regime.
If morality as proclaimed
by various
religions is denied a place at the policy table, then our nation will only be guided
by those with a very cramped and limited moral view — which would have been a disaster for abolition and
civil rights way back then — and would be no less a disaster today.
Even if members have been deeply influenced
by the values of
civil religion, this does not mean that members don't want the pastor to function as their spiritual leader.
By holding that the statute did not have an impermissible purpose, that its primary effect was not the advancement of
religion, and that it did not require «excessive entanglement» between church and state, the Court sent a signal to the political branches that more creative uses of the structures of
civil society (including churches) may now be permissible in the American welfare state.
The Establishment Clause thus stands as an expression of principle on the part of the Founders of our Const.itution that
religion is too personal, too sacred, too holy, to permit its «unhallowed perversion»
by a
civil magistrate.»
The sermon intends
by inference to open up a suggestive critique of American
civil religion and to suggest that as the church holds to the second commandment, we may notice idolatry in peculiar places.
In suggesting that there are two forms of
civil religion, the priestly and the prophetic, Martin Marty judged that the former was exemplified in Nixon's White House worship services and alliance with Billy Graham, the latter
by Senator Mark Hatfield's criticism of America's involvement in Vietnam at a presidential prayer breakfast.
Some say there is such a thing but it should be called
by another name, «public piety,» for example, rather than
civil religion.
In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily
by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid
by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts
by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «
civil war of values»
by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented
by winning elections; and, finally,
by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between
religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.
The term «
civil religion» has spread far beyond any coherent concept thereof, or at least beyond anything I ever meant
by the term.
If Machiavelli seems a decent guide to Christian politics, it is only because Americans are uniquely tempted
by the liberal
civil religion he touted — a backward, Hobbesian monster of a thing, wherein civic virtue shapes Christian practice instead of vice versa, trading eternal things for temporal ones.
Kong said that less than 10 years ago, Muslims could convert to other
religions through a
civil high court order or
by obtaining an «exit certificate» from the government's Islamic department, for example.
Inspired
by examples of American
civil rights activists, such as the freedom riders of 1961, HRPM members travel at a moment's notice to fight injustice and defend villagers thrown off their land, persecuted believers of any
religion, and the human rights of all.
Too complicated to be identified with Shintõ alone, the halo of symbols and slogans and emotions which congealed around Japan in those years would better be denoted
by some more general term such as «
civil religion.»
Those influenced
by Rousseau often begin with a bias against
civil religion on the grounds that it is or easily can be an idolatrous fraud perpetrated on naive believers.
While Rousseau is generally credited with coining the term «
civil religion,» analysis of
civil religion in sociology has been influenced more
by Emile Durkheim.
This chapter addresses the latter question
by looking at the role played
by religious pluralism and law in the formation of America's
civil religion.
I can illustrate the difference
by quoting from two fundamental documents from Japanese and American
civil religion.
With the «opening to the left,» itself made possible
by that incipient differentiation of the party and the church in the early 1960s, the possibility of an autonomous liberal
civil religion became more real.
Then, after a few months, at best only three years, of a public career in which He was hailed
by a crowd which proved fickle and had won the adherence of a coterie of men and women who did not fully understand Him, He ran afoul of the leaders of the organized
religion of His people, was accused
by them of fomenting rebellion against the
civil government, that of Rome, and was crucified
by the order of the local representative of that government.
Dr. Hammond looks at the function played
by religious pluralism and law in the development of America's
civil religion.
It is easy for us as Americans and for modern Japanese influenced
by Western ideologies to view the hierarchical aspect of Japanese ideology and
civil religion as sheer defensive rationalization for political rule.