Past New York
City mayors often dismissed critics and refused to admit fault, but advocates, elected officials and others have noted a shift under Mayor Bill de Blasio.
But even beyond that marquee item, there are a host of issues a New York
City mayor often has to seek approval from in Albany — that is likely where Fuleihan could be most useful to de Blasio aside from putting together a spending plan for City Hall itself, of course.
Not exact matches
«We
often comment that the theater managers in smaller towns where we operate
often know the families in the
city better than the
mayor.
While New York
City mayors and New York state governors have
often had differences on both policy and politics, rarely have those grievances been aired so publicly.
The governor insisted he couldn't wait for the
often tardy
mayor to start, since he had an event in New York
City, which was not listed on his public schedule.
Often, that means going toe - to - toe with the
mayor, arguing over things like the
city's share of the bill for the MTA.
Dick Dadey, executive director of Citizens Union, said, «Though deputy
mayor is not just a
City Hall desk job, it doesn't look good to taxpayers when she is too
often at another job location, and with other staffers who didn't get Conflicts of Interest Board clearance.»
On the former, Mr. de Blasio
often relied instead on the
city's corporation counsel and Henry Berger, the
mayor's special counsel; on the latter, he favored his top political aides.
Miner has
often used the job of
mayor as a bully pulpit, advocating for causes beyond the scope of
City Hall.
Although the state controls the MTA, the
mayor of New York
City often takes the blame for the state of the subway and bus system.
In New York
City, allies of Mr. Bloomberg have organized such groups to lobby for the
mayor's proposals on congestion pricing, charter schools and other issues,
often in opposition to the municipal labor unions.
It has become common knowledge that the
city and county leaders
often disagree, but Mahoney says she will reach out to the
mayor and wants to assure the public that politics did not go into this report.
The hostilities between the
mayor and the governor have only escalated in the last year over a variety of concerns, including mayoral control of New York
City schools and proposed cuts in funding to the
City University of New York, tumbling into public view with a rare intensity, even for two jobs that are
often in conlfict.
There is a consensus in a
city that doesn't reach consensus that
often,» the
mayor said during a press conference Wednesday.
Mr. de Blasio, the Democratic
mayor, has repeatedly relied on the taciturn Assembly speaker to battle for his priorities in the state legislature, where New York
City ambitions
often crumble in a Republican - controlled Senate.
The
mayor — who ran on the promise of representing the outer boroughs — opted to sign his first bill at a Brooklyn ice cream manufacturer, rather than the
City Hall Blue Room, where bills are
often signed.
On their many criticisms of
Mayor de Blasio, they
often converge — they have both called out the
mayor's record on crime with similar rhetoric; they've both criticized the
mayor's handling of the
city's schools and homelessness; they both believe that jails should remain on Rikers Island, though reformed and modernized.
Though Mr. Jeffries and Mr. Stringer are most
often discussed as potential opponents for the
mayor in a Democratic primary, there is a longer list of possible challengers, including Ruben Diaz Jr., the Bronx borough president; Eric L. Adams, the Brooklyn borough president; Letitia James, the public advocate; and Melissa Mark - Viverito, the
City Council speaker.
For New York governors and New York
City mayors, third terms have
often proven to be a jinx and, in the case of both his father, Mario, and Gov. George Pataki, a career killer.
The
mayor said he would continue to lobby the
often hostile Republican majority, reportedly now under the leadership of Long Island Republican State Senator John Flanagan, for funds for the
city in the waning days of the legislative session.
The
mayor has
often weighed in on world issues happening much further from New York
City than Albany — including weighing on international sanctions against Russia at the same press conference where he ducked Moreland questions.
Most of this money from 32BJ, which represents building workers, was spent on promoting de Blasio's candidacy in tandem with candidates for other offices, such as campaign literature featuring both the
mayor and the particular candidate,
often for
City Council.
The
mayor, unsurprisingly, sees it differently,
often saying Mr. Cuomo is meddling in
city affairs.
Those commissions were
often criticized as being too closely controlled by the
mayor and too narrowly focused — sometimes with the goal of pushing pet projects or political initiatives or seeking policy changes that would have been more appropriately handled as legislation by the
City Council.
«Too
often, the
mayor showed a disturbing lack of personal knowledge about the
city schools,» the Senate majority leader, John J. Flanagan, a Long Island Republican, said in a statement.
After all, how
often does a public school host benefits attended by real estate mogul Donald Trump, New York
City mayor Michael Bloomberg, and TV news anchor Peter Jennings?
In most
cities with a failing school system the
mayor faces a great dilemma: Do nothing, which is
often all a
mayor is legally empowered to do, or do everything, meaning mayoral takeover.
In a show of unity, the
mayor and chancellor traveled with a large delegation, including Randi Weingarten, the president of the
city teachers» union, and Ernest A. Logan, the president of the principals» union, who are
often at odds with the
mayor.
While districts under control of
mayors such as New York
City and Chicago can count on the considerable political heft of municipal chief executives (and in the case of the Big Apple, the wallet of Mayor Michael Bloomberg) to beat back traditionalists in Albany and Springfield, districts with traditional school board governance structures
often have few tools at their disposal against NEA and AFT locals with waning - but - still - more considerable political influence in statehouse corridors.