Sentences with phrase «city school desegregation»

Ruling in the Oklahoma City school desegregation case, a divided U.S. Supreme Court holds that districts that were once racially segregated by law may be freed from court - ordered desegregation plans if they have done their best to eradicate the vestiges of their discriminatory systems and have met court orders.

Not exact matches

Hawkins» platform includes tax reform that would create a city income tax, anti-poverty initiatives, state - supported worker co-ops for poor and working - class people, public ownership of utilities and desegregation of schools and housing.

He's also in favor of free tuition to CUNY colleges for low - and middle - income students, smaller class sizes in the city's public schools, and desegregation of the school system, which he noted is the «third most segregated in the nation.»

School desegregation reduced the impact of a geographic catchment area within a larger school district, but it also led to «white flight» to suburban schools and parochial schools (i.e. church run schools, often Catholic in Northern cities and historically white Evangelical protestant in the SSchool desegregation reduced the impact of a geographic catchment area within a larger school district, but it also led to «white flight» to suburban schools and parochial schools (i.e. church run schools, often Catholic in Northern cities and historically white Evangelical protestant in the Sschool district, but it also led to «white flight» to suburban schools and parochial schools (i.e. church run schools, often Catholic in Northern cities and historically white Evangelical protestant in the South).

In recent weeks, Mayor Bill de Blasio's policies have run up against an age - old forces of inertia and resistance in the city, especially one that springs forth in policy debates on everything from housing to bike lanes to school desegregation and even closing down Rikers Island jails.

City schools Chancellor Richard Carranza offered a semi-apology Monday for tweeting a story that cast Upper West Side parents opposed to a school desegregation plan as little more than wealthy white racists.

This was a basic finding from my interviews with adult graduates of Boston's voluntary city - suburban school desegregation program, METCO (recounted in The Other Boston Busing Story, Yale University Press, 2001).

The study, «Resegregation and Equity in Oklahoma City,» authored by Jennifer Jellison of the Harvard Project on School Desegregation, examined the assumptions underlying the Supreme Court's 1991 Oklahoma City - based Dowell decision, a landmark decision that for the first time sanctioned a return to segregated schooling by stating that districts may be released from a desegregation order if they had met certaiDesegregation, examined the assumptions underlying the Supreme Court's 1991 Oklahoma City - based Dowell decision, a landmark decision that for the first time sanctioned a return to segregated schooling by stating that districts may be released from a desegregation order if they had met certaidesegregation order if they had met certain conditions.

These «findings» by the lower court about the purported benefits of neighborhood schools were based entirely on the claims of Oklahoma City School District officials, claims which are currently echoed across the country by school districts seeking to be released from their desegregation oSchool District officials, claims which are currently echoed across the country by school districts seeking to be released from their desegregation oschool districts seeking to be released from their desegregation orders.

The study, «Resegregation and Equity in Oklahoma City,» authored by Jennifer Jellison of the Harvard Project on School Desegregation, examined the assumptions underlying the Supreme Court's 1991 Oklahoma City - based Dowell decision, a landmark decision that for the first time...

The findings set the stage for furthering desegregation efforts — in particular, court - ordered busing of students in an attempt to increase the diversity of city schools.

In 1975, Coleman published a follow - up study that concluded that the main impediment to school desegregation was the growing residential segregation «between central city and suburbs,» and that the «current means by which schools are being desegregated are intensifying that problem, rather than reducing it.»

Earlier this month, state attorneys asked Judge DiBuono to force the city's school board to choose one of three desegregation plans that had been approved by Saul Cooperman,...

As a result, white suburban school districts were under no constitutional requirement to integrate their schools when their new white students had fled a central - city school district that was promulgating a desegregation plan.

But in recent weeks, settlements in cases involving Bakersfield, Calif., and the Ohio cities of Lima and Cincinnati have once again directed attention to these specialty schools as they were originally conceived — as tools for desegregation.

Kansas City schools were already predominantly minority, and the Supreme Court had ruled in the Detroit case that surrounding school districts not found guilty of segregation could not be pulled into a case to provide more white students for desegregation.

Handing the Jackson, Miss., public schools their first election victory in the 21 years since desegregation, city voters last week approved more than $ 57 million in bond requests.

White flight almost certainly altered the effects of desegregation policies in many cities, especially in places such as the Northeast, where school districts within metropolitan areas tend to be small and numerous.

It was notorious for many reasons: First, the court ordered enormous state and city expenditures, intending to attract white schoolchildren from the suburbs to the Kansas City schools so as to provide the minimum number of white children that proponents of desegregation considered necessary for a desegregated or «unitary» schcity expenditures, intending to attract white schoolchildren from the suburbs to the Kansas City schools so as to provide the minimum number of white children that proponents of desegregation considered necessary for a desegregated or «unitary» schCity schools so as to provide the minimum number of white children that proponents of desegregation considered necessary for a desegregated or «unitary» school.

Eleven school districts in suburbs of Kansas City, Mo., have asked a federal appeals court to halt the St. Louis area's voluntary cross-district desegregation plan, contending that it could imperil their own desegregation case.

St. Louis's desegregation case dates from 1972, when Minnie Liddell, a black parent, filed suit against the St. Louis school board contending that her children were receiving an inferior education in a predominantly black city school.

CHICAGO — Desegregation plans that provide for the busing of students between central - city and suburban schools are more effective in producing lasting integration than more limited types of plans, a new study released here concludes.

Instead of focusing on remedying the harm done to those black schoolchildren injured by segregation, the District Court here sought to convert the Kansas City, Mo., School District into a «magnet district» that would reverse the «white flight» caused by desegregation.

School desegregation provoked racial conflict in Birmingham, Montgomery, Chicago, Boston, Los Angeles, Detroit, New York City, and other cities across the country, often for years at a time.

Washington — School districts that were once racially segregated by law should remain bound by court desegregation orders until every wrong caused by the separation of races is cured, a lawyer for black schoolchildren in Oklahoma City told the U.S. Supreme Court last week.

Though we are advocates of the desegregation program we, along with other suburban schools, will be forced to make a tough decision: keep St. Louis city children at our expense or send them back to a system that is clearly fragile and ailing.

The parties in the Kansas City, Mo., desegregation case announced the accord last month, just weeks after a U.S. Supreme Court ruling absolved the state from having to finance some of the school district's most expansive and expensive desegregation remedies.

Even as courts across the country began releasing school districts such as Kansas City, Charlotte - Mecklenburg, Savannah, Buffalo, and Boston from long - running desegregation orders during the 1990s, magnet schools continued to thrive.

An inter-district desegregation lawsuit in St. Louis appeared near resolution last week as a federal district judge agreed to postpone for seven days a hearing to determine the liability of eight suburban school districts for segregation in the city's schools.

Superintendent William M. Kendrick's March 23 proposal to the city school board came some 10 years after Seattle became one of the nation's first major cities to undertake a comprehensive desegregation program voluntarily.

Cities that have implemented successful school desegregation plans have witnessed increased interracial contact and neighborhoods that tend to become less racially segregated.

And he refers to the enormous increase in expenditures for Kansas City schools in the wake of a desegregation suit, and its limited results (see my review of Complex Justice by Joshua M. Dunn, «Finding the Right Remedy,» book review, Spring 2009).

Columbia University professor Amy Stuart Wells, for example, concluded that the decisions of St. Louis parents participating in a voluntary desegregation program were based «on a perception that county is better than city and white is better than black, not on factual information about the schools.»

The federal appellate ruling last month lets stand a massive court - ordered property - tax hike imposed last fall on the city's residents to help fund the school district's desegregation efforts, which are among the most comprehensive and expensive ever undertaken.

Several Justices of the U.S. Supreme Court asked last week whether federal - court supervision of the Kansas City, Mo., school district has gone too far as the Court heard oral arguments in a major school - desegregation case.

A model one - way desegregation program begun 15 years ago in Hartford, Conn., is being phased out by order of the local school board, which argued that the district can no longer afford to send city students to suburban schools.

A federal district judge can order increases in property taxes, but not income taxes, to fund costly school - desegregation remedies in Kansas City, Mo., an appellate panel has ruled.

For the last half - century, just about every education reform — from desegregation to school choice — has taken care to keep city and suburban schools and students separate.

Buses for school desegregation rarely crossed the urban - suburban boundary, thanks to a Supreme Court ruling in 1974, which meant that suburban students would not have to participate in court - ordered desegregation of city schools.

The Century Foundation Report, Louisville, Kentucky: A Reflection on School Integration, recognized that the city's «adoption of stronger socioeconomic measures, as well as its regional approach to desegregation, careful timing, and continued emphasis on school quality represent critical lessons that could be adopted by other regions and school districts willing to put in the work.&School Integration, recognized that the city's «adoption of stronger socioeconomic measures, as well as its regional approach to desegregation, careful timing, and continued emphasis on school quality represent critical lessons that could be adopted by other regions and school districts willing to put in the work.&school quality represent critical lessons that could be adopted by other regions and school districts willing to put in the work.&school districts willing to put in the work.»

NYC SCHOOL SEGREGATION The 74: How NYC's Top Boys & Girls Are Sorting Themselves Into Different Schools Chalkbeat: How school choice differs for black and white families in New York City NYT: First Test for New York Chancellor: A Middle School Desegregation Plan WNYC: New Jersey's Public Schools Remain Overwhelmingly SegrSCHOOL SEGREGATION The 74: How NYC's Top Boys & Girls Are Sorting Themselves Into Different Schools Chalkbeat: How school choice differs for black and white families in New York City NYT: First Test for New York Chancellor: A Middle School Desegregation Plan WNYC: New Jersey's Public Schools Remain Overwhelmingly SegrSCHOOL SEGREGATION The 74: How NYC's Top Boys & Girls Are Sorting Themselves Into Different Schools Chalkbeat: How school choice differs for black and white families in New York City NYT: First Test for New York Chancellor: A Middle School Desegregation Plan WNYC: New Jersey's Public Schools Remain Overwhelmingly Segrschool choice differs for black and white families in New York City NYT: First Test for New York Chancellor: A Middle School Desegregation Plan WNYC: New Jersey's Public Schools Remain Overwhelmingly Segrschool choice differs for black and white families in New York City NYT: First Test for New York Chancellor: A Middle School Desegregation Plan WNYC: New Jersey's Public Schools Remain Overwhelmingly SegrSchool Desegregation Plan WNYC: New Jersey's Public Schools Remain Overwhelmingly SegrSchool Desegregation Plan WNYC: New Jersey's Public Schools Remain Overwhelmingly Segregated

In the first phase, I use observations of public meetings, interviews with community stakeholders, and analysis of local media coverage to examine the shifting understandings, assumptions, and norms underlying debates over school desegregation in rapidly gentrifying areas of New York City.

In 1974, the Supreme Court struck down the desegregation order — a landmark ruling that relieved suburban districts of their burden to help ease racial disparities in the city and set the stage for a long battle over whose responsibility it was to lift the Detroit school system out of its quagmire.

Capital Prep, a year - round magnet school on Main Street for students in pre-K to 12th grade, has a social justice theme and enrolls city and suburban students through the Sheff v. O'Neill desegregation agreement.

The forced desegregation brought about by Brown vs. Board of Education in 1954 meant that inner city whites set up private schools of their own (often in the suburbs) which didn't have to follow the letter of the law.

Boston's school desegregation case is a seminal chapter in the city's history and part of America's painful interracial narrative.