Sentences with phrase «conservative vote in these seats»

This suggests that the Conservative vote in these seats is largely steady, with the Lib Dems losing support towards Labour.

Not exact matches

The conservatives, liberals and socialists, who command a large majority of the parliamentary seats, will work out a joint motion on Tuesday and expect to debate the issue in parliament on Wednesday and vote on it on Thursday, Tremosa's aide said on Monday.

The centre - left Social Democrats (SPD), Merkel's current coalition partners who were the second - biggest party in the election, have ruled out a repeat of an alliance with her conservatives, who won the vote but were left with fewer seats.

She challenged analysis that talked up Labour success at the election pointing out that the Conservatives piled on voters in many northern seats that had voted Leave, among older voters and among the working class.

Young and personable, Abbotts is a lifelong Liberal Democrat who came within 700 votes of taking the Conservative seat of Bromley and Chislehurst in a 2006 by - election.

Were an individual Gloucestershire voter given up to seven votes to distribute as s / he saw fit, it is of course impossible to know whether this would lead to seven Conservative MPs returned (as was the case in the 2015 election), or a mixture of parties (in 2005 the seats were split three Conservative, two Labour and two Liberal Democrat).

It occurs that I should probably source that - Observer, 23 Dec 2007, column by Denis MacShane entitled «An open letter to Nick Clegg»: «Before the 2001 election, I urged Labour voters in seats where Lib - Dem candidates were best placed to beat off Conservatives to vote tactically.

«What the country needs more than ever is certainty, and having secured the largest number of votes and the greatest number of seats in the General Election, it is clear that only the Conservative & Unionist Party has the legitimacy and ability to provide that certainty by commanding a majority in the House of Commons.

Taking all these factors together - regional variations, over-statement of the Labour vote and more vigorous campaigning in target seats - and we would expect a modest Conservative majority of 30 to 50.

By contrast, 26 per cent of Conservative votes in 2015 were in seats that the party lost.

The Conservatives in 2010 got more votes nationally than Labour in 2005... and fewer seats.

Significant numbers of Labour supporters may be willing to vote tactically for the Lib Dems in seats where the Conservatives are the second largest party, the poll found.

If the Conservatives win most seats and most votes, as Thorpe said to Heath in 74, «it may not be clear who was won this election — it is very clear who has lost it.»

The Conservatives tend to pile up large majorities in safe seats and because the planned redistribution of seats did not take place after the 2010 election, Labour has a number of seats with below average electorates, making the vote - to - seat ratio work all the more in its favour.

Evan Harris - Liberal Democrat Dr Evan Harris lost his seat of Oxford West and Abingdon to the Conservatives by just 176 votes - a major hit for the Lib Dems in a constituency with a large student population.

In 2010, though the Conservatives did not achieve the national vote share they wanted, the party's targeting strategy meant it won 23 more Labour seats and 9 more Liberal Democrat seats than it would have done on a uniform swing.

Projecting the changes in the Westminster vote intention on to seats with the regression method (final two columns) suggests the Conservatives will emerge (for the first time in a long time) with a substantial lead in both votes and seats.

If voters believe Cameron's tendentious claim that his party has moved closer to Clegg's they might find it easier to vote Conservative in seats currently held by the Liberal Democrats.

«The party must be careful about the implications of the failure to break through in Scotland, among public sector workers and in seats with large numbers of ethnic voters Main Cameron spent # 111 getting every extra Conservative vote»

By contrast, 26 % of Conservative votes in 2015 were in seats that the party lost.

In both seats there appears to have been significant tactical voting, with the Liberal Democrats likely benefiting from Conservative defectors.

Furthermore, the anti-Labour votes (quite a lot of people at the moment) in many seats would not be split between Liberal Democrats and Conservatives, but basically focussed on Conservative.

The answer to why UKIP are doing well in Labour seats but are unlikely to win these seats is that there are still a lot of Conservative voters in Labour seats (25 % of the vote in 2010 on average) and many of these are 2010 Labour defectors.

It's often said in UK politics that the Conservatives usually require a 7 percent lead in the popular vote to gain an overall majority of seats in the House of Commons; but the Labour party can get a majority with practically no lead at all (indeed it's not inconceivable that the Conservatives could have a small plurality of votes and Labour still have a majority of seats).

I recently wrote to David Cameron outlining our intention to contest the 30 most marginal Conservative seats in 2015, where majorities in the 2010 general election ranged between 54 and 1,692 votes.

The Conservatives» remarkable success in converting coalition into majority government is down to two factors: this was the first governing party to increase its vote share after a full term in office for more than a century and it succeeded in concentrating that vote increase in the seats where it counted.

Remarkably Lamont came within 328 votes (and a fraught early morning recount) of leading the Conservatives to winning a second Westminster seat in the equivalent 2015 general election constituency, which would have made the Conservatives the second largest Scottish party in the House of Commons.

It was not so much their own failings to win new votes but the greater rise in the Conservative vote that cost the Liberal Democrats council seats last year.

Local elections use proportional representation, the Conservative vote share will be reflected in the results in terms of seats won.

Gordon Lindhurst is an advocate who stood for the seat of Edinburgh South West (which includes Edinburgh Pentlands) in the Westminster election last year when he came third behind Labour's Ricky Henderson (succeeding Alistair Darling) and the SNP's Joanna Cherry who won almost as many votes as the Labour and Conservative candidates added together.

The area of the capital with the strongest Conservative vote, Edinburgh Pentlands was held by the late David McLetchie until 2011 when Gordon MacDonald won the seat for the SNP leaping from third place in 2007, leaving the Conservatives over 1000 votes behind.

Again, while the SNP has gained many votes and seats, hundreds of thousands of Scottish Liberal Democratic, Conservative and Labour voters have no representation in Scotland — apparently denying a voice in parliament to the Scottish unionist position.

[48] The party also came second place by 633 votes in the Bromley and Chislehurst by - election, threatening the safe Conservative seat and pushing Labour into fourth place behind the UK Independence Party.

Even if the Conservatives pick up most of the seats UKIP lose, a potentially bigger question is where the former UKIP vote goes in places where they did well last time but did not win.

Ian won the seat by only 316 votes in 2010, with the Liberal Democrats placing a close second and the Conservative's Neil Hudson coming in third ahead of the SNP.

Miles Briggs on the other hand is very likely to take a regional seat even if he fails to win votes in the constituency as the Conservatives have placed him second on the list, behind Ruth Davidson.

At their first election in 1992 (which ended in a fourth successive Conservative win), they won 17.8 % of the vote and twenty seats.

This includes fixed terms for five years (when average time between elections has been four); the vote to dissolve parliament before calling a general election requiring 55 per cent support in the House of Commons (meaning the Liberal Democrats can not withdraw their support from the Tories and cause a general election as the Lib - Dems, Labour and other parties altogether hold less than 55 per cent of the seats); and stuffing the House of Lords with many more Conservatives and Liberals to weaken opposition there.

I showed in step 3 that the Conservatives can expect to gain seats even if the national CON - LAB lead remains unchanged at 6.5 % due to the way the votes are being redistributed unevenly by region.

But we forgot that the Tories remain the party with the largest number of votes and strongest parliamentary representation in the country, and that the SNP lost more seats to the Conservatives than to anyone.

For example, the Conservatives largely benefited from the discrepancy between votes and seats, winning 56 % of English seats on 46 % of the vote — while seeing their vote rise in Wales and their number of seats fall.

Almond Valley is another seat with a strong Labour background (the Westminster constituency was held by Robin Cook until his death), and with little interest in voting for the Liberal Democrats or the Conservatives.

In 1974, the Conservatives came out of the election 4 seats behind Labour (though with a higher share of the vote).

Crosby's realisation that Lib Dem seats could be taken and that voters in those constituencies were persuadable, especially when the polls indicated a Labour majority supported by the SNP, to vote Conservative.

Just 0.0016 % of voters choosing differently would have given the Conservatives a majority, while the election saw a rise in very marginal seats: eleven were won by fewer than 100 votes.

There are extensive lists on a vast range of election facts covering not only the seats that were the fastest in counting the votes - Sunderland South in 2001 in 41 minutes - to the largest majority ever - 62,253 for the Conservatives in Brighton in 1931.

Analysing these results isn't easy - as with many Durham seats, there are plenty of independents winning thousands of votes between them, and the Conservatives have often chosen not to stand candidates in certain wards (marked as DNS in the table).

Firstly, in Conservative - vs - Labour marginals the Conservative vote is largely unchanged from the general election, but the Liberal Democrat vote has dropped to the benefit of Labour, this means on a uniform swing Labour would gain about 28 seats from the Conservatives (though these would be seats that the Conservatives gained at the last election, so in practice the Tories would be helped by the incumbency bonus of the new MPs).

Again, if the Conservatives were only a little way short (and the recent surge to the Lib Dems may so decimate Labour that the Tories do better in target seats than expected), they could try to mimic the final years of John Major's government, when the Conservative PM was forced to rely on the votes of Ulster Unionists.

He saw his vote drop by 18 % as the Conservative chris Davies took the seat, with Labour also well up as the tradition of tactical voting in Brecon and Radnorshire broke down.