Sentences with phrase «conservative voting constituencies»

Not exact matches

The most stunning change from previous election is the significant drop in support for Alison Redford «s Progressive Conservatives in rural central and southern Alberta rural constituencies, which have given the PCs large majority votes in most elections over the past 40 years.

While UKIP has few / no MPs it is not unreasonable to say that they have taken votes away from the Conservative party in recent years and potential UKIP voters are seen by many as key in some marginal constituencies especially in «working class» areas where many voters are socially to the right and economically to the left.

At 23 % on the constituency vote and 22 % on the list, the party is estimated to be six and three points ahead of the Conservatives respectively.

How many Conservative voters in these constituencies will consider lending their votes to UKIP having seen that Labour can be beaten locally for the first time in decades?

These national poll findings suggest that the first time vote may well prove to be particularly open and up for grabs in LibDem - Conservative marginals, but it may be a challenge for both sides to persuade first time voters of the value of backing a candidate who has a chance in the constituency race.

In key constituencies, the perceived risks of a Labour government to economic stability undoubtedly shored up the Conservative vote.

My survey of 1,000 residents of the constituency, completed on Thursday, found that when asked which party they would vote for in a general election tomorrow, 42 % named the Conservatives, 28 % Labour and 19 % UKIP: a 14 - point Tory lead.

Respondents were asked for whom they would vote if they thought that only Labour and the SNP had a realistic chance of winning in their constituency, and similarly what they would do if the contest locally were between the SNP and the Conservatives, and the SNP and the Liberal Democrats.

Evan Harris - Liberal Democrat Dr Evan Harris lost his seat of Oxford West and Abingdon to the Conservatives by just 176 votes - a major hit for the Lib Dems in a constituency with a large student population.

No less than 45 % of those who voted No in 2014 now say they would vote Conservative on the constituency vote.

Of those who said they would vote UKIP in the standard question, 8 % said they would vote Conservative when it came to their own constituency, 5 % said Labour and 5 % said they did not know what they would do.

Only a Conservative vote in your local constituency will keep Ed Miliband and the SNP out and secure Britain's future.»

For those living in constituencies where Labour and the Liberal Democrats are expected to share first and second place, tactical voting by Conservative supporters in favour of the Lib Dems increases the chances that another Con - Lib coalition would have a majority.

In fact, ERS research shows the Conservatives could have won an overall majority with just 533 extra votes in the nine most marginal constituencies — a reflection of a broken and volatile voting system, but also a hint that this debate may have had an effect on the overall outcome.

His Cumbrian constituency, Westmoreland and Lonsdale, had been Conservative for 95 years until 2005, when Farron edged it by just 267 votes, the sole victor in the Lib Dems» ill - fated «decapitation strategy» that year to oust top Tories.

Remarkably Lamont came within 328 votes (and a fraught early morning recount) of leading the Conservatives to winning a second Westminster seat in the equivalent 2015 general election constituency, which would have made the Conservatives the second largest Scottish party in the House of Commons.

BMG suggested that Labour were clearly ahead of the Conservatives — by five points on the constituency vote and four points on the list.

The company put Labour at 18 % on the constituency vote and 17 % on the list — these represent the party's lowest ever tallies in a Survation poll and places them just a point ahead of the Conservatives on the constituency vote and a point behind on the list.

These boundary changes will deliver more equally sized constituencies, and remove system bias which means that it takes fewer votes to elect a Labour MP than a Conservative MP.

Miles Briggs on the other hand is very likely to take a regional seat even if he fails to win votes in the constituency as the Conservatives have placed him second on the list, behind Ruth Davidson.

[123] Boosted by his television fame, Johnson stood as the Conservative candidate for the constituency in the 2001 general election, winning with a majority of 8,500 votes.

We speak for the mainstream of the modern Conservative Party in Parliament and in our constituencies, and for the voting public, both in the UK and throughout Europe.

In 2011, both the Conservative constituency vote in Central Scotland (7.24 %) and the Central Scotland regional list vote (6.4 %) were only half of the Tories» national average.

Almond Valley is another seat with a strong Labour background (the Westminster constituency was held by Robin Cook until his death), and with little interest in voting for the Liberal Democrats or the Conservatives.

Crosby's realisation that Lib Dem seats could be taken and that voters in those constituencies were persuadable, especially when the polls indicated a Labour majority supported by the SNP, to vote Conservative.

Allen was elected as the Labour MP for the Nottingham North constituency at the 1987 general election, gaining the seat from the Conservative's Richard Ottaway with a majority of 1,665 votes.

Labour activists put in a frantic last push to get out the vote in hundreds of make - or - break constituencies in a bid to get Jeremy Corbyn into No10 - and it seems to have had an effect, with the exit poll predicting no overall majority for the Conservatives.

The Conservatives are in third place with 9.4 per cent of the vote and Nick would require a swing of over 30 per cent to win the constituency.

Despite shock gains in 2015 — the party picked up the Gower constituency, which had been under Labour control for 100 years, by just 27 votes — the Welsh Conservatives have continued their historical trend of performing considerably worse in Wales than in England.

Pritchard was first elected to parliament for The Wrekin constituency in 2005, defeating Peter Bradley, the incumbent Labour MP, by just 942 votes although this represented a 5.4 % swing from Labour to Conservative.

He lost out to Conservative David Nuttall by just 378 votes, who has held the constituency since 2010, when it was won back from Labour.

Following the death of Gwyneth Dunwoody, Conservative candidate Edward Timpson won the local vote and will now represent the constituency.

«The electorate, general election, people vote - I was an MP for 10 years but at the last general election I lost my constituency up in Leeds to the Conservatives.

The Labour Party polled below expectations and won 30.4 % of the vote and 232 seats, 24 fewer than their previous result in 2010, even though in 222 constituencies there was a Conservative to Labour swing, as against 151 constituencies where there was a Labour to Conservative swing.

He previously supported new equal - sized constituencies on principle, but is now to vote against them because they would advantage the Conservatives.

If you assume that more than 60 % of the electorate are not planning to vote Labour, and even more are not planning to vote Conservative, then there is a large constituency to whom the idea of another hung parliament could conceivably appeal.

The Electoral Commission performed a reallocation in keeping with the same procedures they used to allocate 72 MEPs and an extra Conservative MEP was allocated to the West Midlands constituency based on the 2009 vote and was enshrined in the European Union Act 2011 as an amendment of the European Parliamentary Elections Act 2002.

The areas we are missing registers for are disproportionately Conservative (based on the 2015 Election constituency results) which introduces a slight Labour bias to the reported vote amongst those who had their vote validated.

In contrast, a visit by a party leader increases that party's vote share in the constituency — in the case of the Conservatives and Liberal Democrats, this increase is a (statistically) significant one.

John Bell the local candidate was selected for Clwyd South, John stood for the Constituency in the Welsh Assembly Elections achieving a 6.6 % swing from Labour to Conservatives and increased our share of the vote by 10.2 % whilst increasing the Conservative vote by some 60 %.

For example, David Cameron's visits made a significant difference to Conservative vote share in Labour - held constituencies, with a visit earning a 1.4 percentage point increase over Labour - held constituencies not visited.

Conservative sources say the turnout in Nantwich - the more affluent and Tory - leaning area of the constituency - was significantly higher than that of Crewe, whose residents are more likely to vote Labour.

On the other hand, centrist voters in those constituencies would believe — and the Conservatives would ram home the message — that a vote for the Lib Dems was a vote for a Labour - led government.

GMB general secretary Paul Kenny pointed out that Conservatives failed to secure 40 % support of those who voted in the 2010 general election, while only 15 Tory MPs had the backing of 40 % of those entitled to vote in their constituencies.

In May 2015, with polls pointing to a hung Parliament in the run up to the 2015 general election, the Bow Group chairman, Ben Harris - Quinney, called on voters in marginal constituencies to support the values of conservatism by voting UK Independence Party (UKIP) where the Conservatives could not win, and the Conservatives where UKIP could not win.

Interestingly comparing the standard voting intention question and the constituency question a quarter of Conservative voters say they will actually vote Lib Dem in Hallam, suggesting significant Tory tactical voting propping up Nick Clegg.

The Conservative Party have increased their majority of the vote in the marginal constituency of Nuneaton.

The current tally of votes indicates that the Conservatives could lose two constituency seats on the London Assembly

Common sense alone tells us that marginality should have some effect upon the size of the swing — if there was a 10 % swing at the election, it is unlikely that the Conservatives would actually pick up an extra 10 % of the vote in places like inner - city Glasgow and the Welsh valleys, while there are some home counties constituencies where Labour barely has 10 % to lose.

Comparing the % Conservative vote share to the 2014 referendum Yes vote in the Edinburgh Pentlands and Moray Holyrood constituency: