Friday 27 May, 2.30 pm Wales Stage, # 5 Polly Toynbee and David Walker - The Verdict
Did Labour policies worsen the recession?
Not exact matches
Compared with previous episodes of booming commodity prices, a floating currency, a sound but flexible medium - term framework for monetary
policy and a flexible
labour market mean we are
doing much better this time than in the mid 1970s or early 1950s.
I was sympathetic to the Alberta Party when it came out, but when I began to talk to members about issues concerning organized
labour I found that they didn't have any
policies.
As we've
done in the past, a coalition of community and
labour organizations worked together to develop a common list of
policy asks.
I
do think that we face some skills shortages down the road which create lots of opportunities for active
labour market
policy to be more effective.
Does child support
policy affect male
labour supply?
I didn't cover this in my paper but can see that it could be used to weed out candidates who oppose IHT and other key
Labour policies.
If the Lib Dems
did emerge as as an attractive progressive alternative - and they have been rowing in the opposite direction in some ways of late, e.g., on tax
policy - that would put useful pressure on
Labour to mend its ways.
But while one is raising money for charity, the other is calling out brands like Marks and Spencer and John Lewis for their pay
policies — brands that the public love significantly more than they
do Labour.
But
Labour, it turns out,
did not need to spell out any more on its Brexit
policy.
And when I have challenged Lib Dem canvassers on the doorstep about the
policy, I have met with a wall of ignorance: «Oh, I didn't know we were
doing that, I'll have to go away and look it up...» (canvasser hastily retreats...) The CTF was one of the great liberal achievements of New
Labour.
The shadow home secretary also pledged to properly centre the right to family life in
Labour's immigration
policy, saying her party «don't want to break up families from the EU in the way we currently
do for non-EU families.»
When it comes to economic
policy,
Labour isn't too leftwing — but it
does struggle to present an image of economic competence.
Therefore New
Labour needs to talk less about clever theoretical things such as
policy (because women have very small brains) and appeal rather more to their hearts (because women, though dumb as toast,
do have very large hearts).
While stating that the speech would not contain a great deal of new
policy, it
did nonetheless reiterate several
policies that were either been in the 2017
Labour Manifesto or have been highlighted by Abbott in previous statements.
Does Ed Miliband honestly expect voters to derive
Labour's economic
policy from his list of cuts that he wouldn't make?
Do you mean things like re-democratising
policy making in the
Labour Party?
Raising the minimum wage, helping small businesses, and strengthening workers» rights are all backed by a majority of the public when they don't know these
policies are
Labour's.
Yet you can still see the potential for the SNP to push for
policies that
Labour might favour if it didn't have compete so hard on territory occupied by the Conservatives.
But to
do real damage to the
Labour Party in 2015, UKIP will have to change some of its
policies.
Most people don't actually want an unreasonable and unfair fortress immigration
policy; they just oppose that
Labour «open door
policy» which doesn't actually exist.
but it
does give a clear indication that
Labour have no real
policy other than to stay in power.
All
Labour seemed able to
do was dismiss UKIP as a single -
policy party.
The economic
policies just didn't make sense and left the
Labour unable to attack the Tories economic record.
The
Labour Party too readily conflates rural
policy with animal rights
policy, sending the message that their votes aren't wanted to the 1.6 million people who shoot game, the 350,000 who
do some sort of work on shooting estates and many of the 200,000 who work in agriculture.
Encouraging
Labour members to help shape party
policy, Corbyn said: «The media commentariat simply don't understand it.
The pamphlet — co-authored by Patrick Diamond, senior research fellow at
Policy Network and former Downing street advisor, with Giles Radice, a
Labour peer — revisits Radice's original work «Southern Discomfort» written in 1992 where he warned «
Labour can not win without
doing better in the South.»
But former Shadow Chancellor Chris Leslie, a long - standing critic of the
Labour leader, said: «Would the Prime Minister agree that a
policy if inaction also would have severe consequences and that those who would turn a blind eye, who would
do nothing in pursuit of some moral high ground, should also be held accountable for once.»
«His half - hearted conversion to the
policy does little to clear up
Labour's dithering over higher education funding.»
Labour didn't win the election and since we don't have a
Labour government the matter, according to thenational
policy forum, is subject to continued assessment, and Corbyn is following the 2014 NPF consensus faithfully.
I
do feel that Ed Miliband wants to move away from New
Labour and Blairite
policies.
He is surrounded by a Parliamentary
Labour Party that largely doesn't support him or his
policies, yet he received a massive mandate from those voting in the
Labour Party leadership contest.
So when
did Labour's
policy on an EU referendum shift from opposition to abstention?
I posted on a thread about
Labour the other day that I wouldn't vote
Labour unless they supported the Chagos Islanders going home but I have to admit, I don't know what the Green Party
policy is regarding them — Miss Berry,
do you know?
To be frank his views made what should have been an easy decision into a difficult one.I don't trust Smith and will back Jeremy again but I am concerned.Having sensible views on immigration and defence is ethical and doesn't turn me into a raging right winger or closet racist and is probably in line with what most potential
Labour voters want.I'd like to think that more will join our party and that Corbyn will continue democratizing it, giving us the opportunity to shape
policy ourselves.
As a balanced budget law
does not allow that investment,
Labour would be opposed to the Tory
policy.
Having failed to get the
policies favoured by the left (for the most part and on the key issues) when in opposition,
do you think that this will become easier when
Labour is in government (and when the stakes are higher for the leadership)?
Once you have
done your own little bit, as you have
done for months now, to damage the Corbyn campaign, by your constant nitpicking of his competence and leadership skills and
policy development shortcomings, and regular defence of the «soft Left» who have so blatantly failed to support him all year, from a supposed position on the Left (so much more effective in the current battle for the dominant narrative than criticism coming openly from the
Labour right), will you too finally, (sorrowfully and with much hand - wringing») declare for Owen Smith at the opening of voting, David?
Saying Stalin
did more harm than good and Mao was the greatest bloke of the 20th century, wasn't exactly, great PR for Tony Benn when he was dictating
labour policies in the early 80's was it,
According to the
Labour movement, the party lost because voters
did not fully appreciate what it had achieved, they were influenced by the right - wing media, and although
Labour had the right
policies, it
did not manage to communicate them effectively.
Ed Miliband has signalled a change in
Labour's immigration
policy by disclosing he wants to change the economic rules to
do more to help people already living and working in Britain.
«I don't think we can go on having
policy made by the leader, shadow cabinet, or parliamentary
Labour party.
Whatever their merits as
policy arguments, localism and empowerment
do not offer a banner under which
Labour could march towards the sound of electoral gunfire within the year.
of course two wrongs don't make a right, you can not defend Tory housing
policy by putting forward the argument that
Labour
The discussions
do not need to lead to a firm
policy programme, but we need to find out what views on
Labour's future direction exist within the
Labour Movement so we can then have a meaningful leadership contest in which the candidates and those voting understand each other.
The lesson of the election is that
Labour can't and mustn't be a party which only
does community campaigning at election time, or that sees changes in central government
policy as the only way to persuade people to support them.
In exchange for party X giving
Labour their votes,
Labour promise to implement some of party X's
policies (and maybe refrain from implementing some of
Labour's
policies that party X don't like).
If they
did then the only logical course of action that they could take would be to reverse his
policy and compete with the Lib Dems and SNP for the hardline Remain vote, infuriating further those who've already switched from
Labour to UKIP and possibly pushing more in that direction.
And he says that, if Osborne
does change his
policy,
Labour won't «make hay» with the issue and exploit it politically, he says.
It doesn't matter that
Labour will balls these
policies up, what matters is that GDP not a Happy Planet Index or GWB are now acknowledged by both sides to be the key buttons to public popularity.