The mental health of
the GUS mothers was patterned by social and economic factors.
Whereas about two thirds (69 %) of
GUS mothers had good or average health at all sweeps, almost a third (31 %) of the
GUS mothers had scores which indicated that they were experiencing mental health problems at some point in the four years after the birth of the cohort baby (see Figure 3 - A).
GUS mothers were also asked about other areas of their child's development, learning or behaviour.
Not exact matches
Growing Up in Scotland's (
GUS) longitudinal study, which recently looked at 2,593 families with a child aged 10 years old, found that father - child relationships were equally important to the wellbeing of children as
mother - child relationships.
Secondly,
GUS data is obtained from the child's main carer, usually the child's natural
mother.
This questionnaire is a unique
GUS source of resident fathers» own reports of involvement in parenting, relationship with the
mother and mental health.
The MCS study included
mother - reported Pianta measures of warmth and conflict (similar to
GUS), interviewers» observations of positive and negative parenting,
mother reports of reading with the child, disciplinary practices (frequency of smacking and shouting) and family organisation (regular bedtimes and mealtimes).
The lower figure in the
GUS data therefore suggests that a reasonable proportion of
mothers are not aware of tooth decay in their children.
Mothers of the first birth cohort of
GUS were surveyed every year from 2005/06, when their children were aged around 10 months old.
Previous analysis of
GUS has shown that children who had more prolonged exposure to a
mother with mental health problems were more likely to have adverse developmental outcomes (Marryat and Martin, 2010).
Our
GUS finding for family socio - economic disadvantage (as indicated here by lower parental education) ties in with the negative effect of low family socio - economic status on the quality of both
mothers» and fathers» relations with three year - old children in another large birth cohort, the UK Millennium Cohort Study (Malmberg & Flouri, 2011).
Moreover, it was apparent that mental health problems among the
GUS cohort
mothers at Sweep 1 were often associated with further episodes of poor mental health.
The longitudinal Growing Up in Scotland (
GUS) survey was used to explore whether being exposed to a
mother with poor mental health affected children's development at age four.
The
GUS parent - child relationship measure is effectively a measure of the
mother - child relationship.
This paper is based on data from natural
mothers interviewed at the time of the first sweep of
GUS undertaken in 2005/2006 when their baby was aged 10 months old and subsequently re-interviewed annually on three further occasions, until their children were almost four years old.
At each sweep of
GUS data collection, information was collected from the main carer (usually the child's
mother) on whether the child experienced any disturbing family events from a pre-determined list since the previous sweep.
The scale does not have thresholds defining whether a score suggests the presence of a psychiatric disorder, so we have followed the approach taken in a previous
GUS report (Marryat and Martin, 2010) and defined a relative threshold below which we classify
mothers as having «poor» mental health (16 % of
mothers were in this category in 2009/10), as opposed to «average or good» mental health.
In the
GUS dataset, both highly educated
mothers and those with no qualifications experienced relatively low levels of informal support.