Sentences with phrase «green votes in each seat»

But if we take English seats - Scotland's battle lines are different, while the politics of Plaid in Wales are complicated - and combine the Labour, Lib Dem and Green votes in each seat from 2015 on one side, and Tory and Ukip votes on the other, then the Tories in fact do better than before.

Not exact matches

Green Party co-leader Caroline Lucas successfully defended her seat in Brighton Pavilion, while Ukip has yet to win a single seat and their vote share has reduced.
I think activists can work to get Greens and Respect elected in a handful of FPTP seats and we must all hope for an embarrassingly massive Tory landslide (300 seats or so) on < 50 % of the vote that will make everyone see what an absurd situation we are in, make Cameron's parliamentary party more unruly and nekedly nasty and — crucially — smash the Labour Party so hard that both its right and its left give up all hope of ever winning a FPTP election again, and destroy the hubris that decrees that they never collaborate with other progressive / left forces.
With just over three weeks to go before a crucial byelection in the normally safe Tory seat of Rochester and Strood, which Ukip threatens to seize, the poll puts Ukip on 18 % of the national vote, with the Lib Dems on 6 % and the Greens on 4 %.
Thus they are strongly supported by parties like the Liberal Democrats, UKIP, the Greens and so, that often pile up millions of votes in FPTP contests but may win few or no seats, because they are less commonly or rarely the largest party in a given local area.
Under first - past - the - post, they have fared less strongly in general elections, typically recording around one per cent of the UK - wide vote (although a slightly higher average in the seats they contest); in 2010, the Greens won 0.96 per cent of the vote (1.81 per cent in the seats where they put up a candidate), and returned an MP to the House of Commons for the first time, as Caroline Lucas wrested Brighton Pavilion from Labour.
The support of Lib Dem and Green voters could be crucial to Lewis's hopes of retaining his seat in a city where the Remain vote was 56.2 %.
[4] In the 2015 general election, the Lib Dem vote fell by 29.2 %; Williams came a distant third behind the winning Labour candidate Thangam Debbonaire and more than 5,000 votes behind the Green Party candidate, who achieved the greatest increase in the Green vote (+23 %) in any seat that electioIn the 2015 general election, the Lib Dem vote fell by 29.2 %; Williams came a distant third behind the winning Labour candidate Thangam Debbonaire and more than 5,000 votes behind the Green Party candidate, who achieved the greatest increase in the Green vote (+23 %) in any seat that electioin the Green vote (+23 %) in any seat that electioin any seat that election.
Meanwhile, although the Greens are running at much the same share of the vote as the Liberal Democrats, they will do well to pick up a second seat to add to the first they won in 2010.
The Greens earned 10.6 % of the vote (up from 6.7 % in 2008) and increased their number of seats in parliament from 9 to 13.
Nicola Sturgeon's party fell two seats short of an overall majority, meaning a coalition of the Tories, Lib Dems, Labour and Greens could defeat them in votes.
In comparison, Lewes is a true swing seat, where the Green vote may have had an impact on the result.
That leaves 21 seats that voted to Leave, in some cases quite heavily, and often with sizeable Ukip votes that outstrip the combined support for the Lib Dems and Greens that Labour could tactically call upon.
It was actually 62 % of labour voters voted to remain, and the labour vote, in 2015 was made up of many people who'd voted Libdem, or greens in 2010, labour having lost several of its supporters who'd voted for us in 2010 when Gordon was leader, and many who'd voted labour since the 60's, not voting for us for the first time, but the fact was, with our Scittish and inner London, Manchester, Liverpool vote, voting for us so heavily, ball areas called our heartlands, and Scotland aside, areas we increased our votes in, at the last election, without catching those swing seats, meant that many of our traditional areas Sunderland & Wales saw our core vote, massively vote leave,
The Green Party's success in 2010, especially in contrast with parties like UKIP and the BNP who won more votes but no seats, shows the importance of making every vote count by focusing on the areas where success is most likely.
My quess is, if Ms. Clinton is nominated, the Green Party will pick up 30 % of the popular vote in Oregon and cost the Democrats any chance at Senator Gordon's seat AND will cause them to loose two Congressional seats.
The Greens tactic of saying they were the ones who could beat the BNP in the NW almost worked: they were within 5,000 votes of overtaking them and this winning that final seat.
Greens / UKIP having (even) massive second preference vote tallies will not translate into even a tiny increase in their seat total (Green) or even one seat (UKIP).
This is a seat where Labor has often trailed on first preference votes in recent years, only to win on the preferences of Australian Democrat and Green candidates.
Votes for the Greens, Ukip and the BNP may shape the outcomes in perhaps hundreds of seats as well, though they would have to benefit the Lib Dems disproportionately in order to boost nottle numbers rather than those of the two main parties.
If the demographic patterns to the voting alignments in Batman are repeated at the Victorian state election on November 24, the Greens could win at least four lower house seats.
The paper reports that Labour is intending to try and highlight divisions with Conservative Party over climate change in the top Tory target seats where the Green Party won more than 2 % of the vote at the last election - in the hope of stopping Green supporters from switching to back the Conservatives and helping to deliver a Tory majority in the Commons.
With 1.1 m votes at the general election, more than 150 councillors, two seats on the London assembly and the Green candidate coming third in the London mayor elections, the Greens think this is unfair.
Despite a resurgent of Green Party activity in the past half - decade, Matt Funiciello garnered just 4.3 percent of the vote, and down - ticket candidates running for seats in the state legislature barely cracked the double digits.
John Curtice's projection in the Scotsman has these shares of the vote translating into 57 seats for Labour, 48 for the SNP, 13 for the Conservatives, 6 for the Greens and 5 for the Liberal Democrats.
UKIP and the Greens saw their best - ever results in terms of vote share (7 % for the Greens and 5 % for UKIP), but whilst UKIP gained 12 seats, the Greens gained just 2.
In a Daily Politics film, Giles Dilnot spoke to the UKIP, Tory, Labour, Lib Dem and Green candidates about the vote in the Kent seaIn a Daily Politics film, Giles Dilnot spoke to the UKIP, Tory, Labour, Lib Dem and Green candidates about the vote in the Kent seain the Kent seat.
[10] This occurred on the same night as the local Green Party stood aside in Brighton Kemptown in order to ensure the seat was not won by the Conservatives due to a split vote between progressive parties.
There was of course the Green surge, which amounted to no gain in seats, a loss of working - class votes to UKIP, and the SNP's referendum - inspired surge in Scotland — but as yet no Party can outflank Labour's Left across the UK.
This makes a relatively minor difference in Con - v - Lab seats (mainly it reduces the proportion of people saying «other», presumably because some people out there would like to vote Green or BNP or something, but don't normally have a candidate from that party to vote for).
Then, in 2020, there could be dozens of seats in which the «wasted vote» argument for sticking to the two big parties won't apply, and tactical voting could help Ukip and the Greens.
(a) win many Labour seats (b) split the vote enough in seats where Corbynites get more of the Labour vote to hand them to the Tories or UKIP (or, in a handful of cases, the Lib Dems or Greens).
Labour — downgrading again to 265 - 275, based on the SNPs» continued surge and Conservatives doing better in our seat - voting question as the election draws near and views are localised: SNP 45; Lib Dems 30; Ukip 6; Green 1; Respect 1.
Labour should hold here because the north of the seat around Southville and Totterdown are very «metropolitan left» and these places would have been the source for the bulk of the 12 % Green vote in 2015.
This might seem utterly obvious but The Economist report that as «the Scottish National Party, Greens and struggling Lib Dems (are) all prepared to support a left - leaning government... Miliband (could be in) power even if Labour wins considerably fewer seats and votes than the Tories».
The calculus of this risk is informed by the likelihood of Labour losing votes and seats to the SNP in Scotland, UKIP in the north of England and the Greens across the UK.
Carmichael lost to the former Labour MP and teacher by almost 700 votes, while Greening's majority in her south London seat of Putney was cut from more than 10,000 to less than 2,000.
Carmichael lost to his Labour opponent — former Labour MP and teacher David Drew — by almost 700 votes, while Greening's majority in her south London seat of Putney was cut from more than 10,000 to less than 2,000.
Because the Green Party's 8 % of the popular vote is spread across Canada, rather than concentrated in a single province, they did not receive a single seat, while the Bloc won 49 seats.
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