Sentences with phrase «if voucher programs»

If voucher programs were doing a great job with these children, it would be announced in screaming headlines by the Wall Street Journal.

If the voucher program were counted as a school district in 2015, it would rank ninth in the state for annual performance growth.

«It is true that the state would avoid $ 41.6 million of spending if the voucher program is eliminated,» they said.

Thus, 78.6 percent of voucher students (or 25,684 students) would likely enroll back in public schools if the voucher program was eliminated.

If a voucher program allows students already enrolled in a private school to qualify, then those students do not directly relieve the public school system of any costs.

Mychal Thom, head of Concordia Lutheran High School in Fort Wayne, estimated that at least half of his school's 366 voucher recipients last year would have enrolled at Concordia even if the voucher program did not exist.

If the voucher program were a school district, it would be Wisconsin's fifth - largest.

Utilizing assumptions in Table 1, if no voucher program had been initiated, the same cats enrolled in the voucher program (assuming that 65 % were owned, based on the 2005 survey results) would have produced approximately 312,000 kittens between 1994 and 2005, and approximately 8,600 additional cats would have entered (6,200 surrendered and 2,500 brought in by the field service) the shelters in Santa Clara County.

Not exact matches

If elected, Mr. Altschuler pledges to repeal the Affordable Health Care Act, work for the Republican plan for Medicare and Social Security reform, reform teacher tenure requirements and support school voucher programs.

The Republicans want a LOT in return for DACA, not just the wall, but end to the voucher program and (I should read up, but other stuff I imagine), but if DACA will pass anyway, the Democrat feeling is that they shouldn't get a lot in exchange.

When asked if the police department is taking another look at a voucher program in addition to de-clustering homeless sex offenders housing on the East End, Mr. Schneider said «everything is on the table.»

More than 700,000 students in more than 1,200 New York City schools — including large high schools in all five boroughs — would face higher class sizes, have fewer teachers and lose after - school academic and enrichment programs if President - elect Trump makes good on a campaign promise to pull billions of federal dollars away from public schools to pay for private vouchers, a UFT analysis has found.

If so, voucher opponents will find it harder to argue that the religion clauses of state constitutions are a barrier to the creation of school voucher program.

Pragmatically, we know from survey research commissioned by Fordham that many private schools won't participate in voucher programs if they can't control their admissions — and it's impossible to run a voucher program without private schools, unless you want only desperate, lower performing schools to participate.

And what does research tell us about how states should design and oversee voucher programs — if indeed they should do so at all?

But all previous evaluations of the effects of private schools or of school voucher programs reported test - score results for both reading and math, or a composite measure of the two, even if the researchers thought that one or the other was a better measure of school performance.

However, if the school refuses to participate in the voucher program, then even students in the first category will not have access to that school.

Even if government accountability is not the norm for government programs, some people may still favor requiring choice schools to take the state test and comply with other components of the high - regulation approach to school choice, such as mandating that schools accept voucher amounts as payment in full, prohibiting schools from applying their own admissions requirements, and focusing programs on low - income students in low - performing schools.

It should come as no surprise to anyone if we see some very disappointing academic outcomes in Louisiana's voucher program.

Backers of the Milwaukee voucher program thought they would get relief from legislative opposition if they accepted more burdensome regulation.

Given that similar factors are at work in Florida's accountability system, I suspect that most, if not all, of the improvements in school performance in that state's failing schools are attributable to the state's administered accountability system, not to the voucher component of that program.

If private schools in those states don't make enough progress with voucher participants, they get kicked out of the program.

One proposal would offer individuals and / or corporations a federal tax credit if they donate to voucher programs.

What Ravitch does not understand is that this is an «intention to treat» analysis, in which all students who started in private schools via the voucher program are counted as if they had remained there, even if they transferred into public high schools.

And special education vouchers even improve the quality of services for the disabled students who remain in public schools because those schools risk losing students to the voucher program if they do not serve the students well.

Imagine if there had been a federal voucher or tax credit program just a few years ago.

In other words, the schools can do what they like but if their voucher - bearing students don't learn enough to pass the state tests, the state will do something about it — ultimately (under Louisiana regulations) eliminating those schools from eligibility to participate in the program.

It would offer individuals and / or corporations a federal tax credit if they donated to scholarship (i.e., voucher) programs in states with their own tax credit initiatives.

Using the most conservative 4 % voucher advantage from our study, that means that the 801 students in ninth grade in the voucher program in 2006 included 32 extra graduates who wouldn't have completed high school and gone to college if they had instead been required to attend MPS.

If the lack of accountability is reformers» beef with voucher programs, that concern has been alleviated, at least in several states.

If they did graduate, that improved the average graduation rate for the voucher program.

In either case, these «unobserved» variables get in the way because students using vouchers may have had different academic outcomes even if there were no voucher program.

If so, voucher opponents will find it harder to argue that the religion clauses of state constitutions are a barrier to the creation of school voucher programs.

If the Supreme Court, as many expect, voids Washington State's decision to revoke Joshua Davey's scholarship, it could constitute an enormous sea change in the law surrounding voucher programs.

Even if most of the private schools participating in a voucher program are religious, as long as some viable options exist within the public school system, the genuine choice requirement should be satisfied.

If excluding religious schools from participating in voucher programs represents impermissible viewpoint discrimination, then requiring voucher schools to refrain from disseminating certain messages would also be impermissible.

Private schools can decline to participate in voucher programs, but if they agree to serve students on vouchers, in most cases they must accept all comers.

If the Supreme Court, as many expect, agrees with this reasoning, it would seem to follow that excluding religious schools from voucher programs is also unconstitutional.

In other words, if any one of these three arguments is successful, all voucher programs that exclude religious schools, for whatever reason, may be unconstitutional.

They rely largely on schools in existence before the vouchers were introduced, giving little indication of any supply response that might be seen if there were a more far - reaching, universal voucher program.

In 2008, Obama told the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel, in reference to Milwaukee's school - voucher program: «Let's see if the experiment works... If it does, whatever my preconception, you do what's best for kids.&raquif the experiment works... If it does, whatever my preconception, you do what's best for kids.&raquIf it does, whatever my preconception, you do what's best for kids.»

School choice has a lot to lose, as enrollment grows in charter schools and voucher programs, if Trump becomes the pitchman for choice.

(Ironically, the leverage in Indiana was Tony Bennett's school - choice program, which made state vouchers available to religious schools, but only if they adopted state tests — which were later quietly switched from ISTEP to the untried Common Core assessments.)

If Indiana's vouchers are notable for how many students are eligible and Colorado's program because district leaders designed it, ESAs are remarkable for the variety of allowable uses.

If you are a HGSE degree holder, a Certificate of Advanced Study recipient, a voucher holder, or a Harvard employee eligible to take a course through the Tuition Assistance Program (TAP), you do not need to fill out this application.

For instance, most private schools in the Milwaukee voucher program «lack the full complement of educational programs that students with disabilities are entitled to if they receive their education in the public sector,» and as a result, students with disabilities have been discouraged or excluded from participating.

Mitt Romney has pledged that if elected president he will enact a voucher program that would allow parents of low - income and special needs students «to choose from any district or public charter school, or a private school where permitted by state law.»

Many families support voucher programs, as it allows them to use tax dollars they pay for education, but aren't able to use otherwise if they elect to attend a school other than the local private school.

«If you're so confident that we should have vouchers in Wisconsin, that we should be increasing the funding and that the voucher program should be expanded, I would ask you to put it to a statewide referendum.

Students are eligible to receive vouchers if their household income does not exceed 133 percent of the guidelines needed to qualify for the federal free and reduced - price lunch (FRL) program ($ 60,528 for a family of four in 2017 — 18).