Not exact matches
At last year's general election the party fell short of gaining the sort of
Leave - voting
Labour seats they needed for a majority.
She challenged analysis that talked up
Labour success at the election pointing out that the Conservatives piled on voters in many northern
seats that had voted
Leave, among older voters and among the working class.
But there is mounting concern among
Labour MPs that the party is disregarding all other considerations in order to ensure that the leader's
seat is
left unchanged.
A
left - wing
Labour party is supposed to get crushed; yet Corbyn's
Labour gained 30
seats and 10 % of the vote share.
How many
Leave - voting
seats go to
Labour?
Goodwin analysed
Labour constituencies with the lowest majorities where over 50 % voted
Leave in the EU referendum, and where Ukip are already in second place, or a close third, to come up with his list of 20 target
seats.
The point for all sensible democrats to hang on to is that if the centre -
left (
Labour plus LibDems and perhaps Greens and some of the nationalists) together command a majority of Commons
seats, that entitles them to form a government led by the leader of the largest centre -
left party.
Labour, whose frontbench is divided on the issue, is still officially committed to
leaving the single market (allowing Corbyn and McDonnell to make big state aid commitments) and ending free movement (a key concern of MPs with pro-Brexit
seats).
It seems they are vulnerable on
left and right, and could well end up losing
seats to both Tories and
Labour.
But
Labour's probably uninsurable for Brexit, a toxic issue for a party representing 20 of the 25
seats with the largest Remain majorities and 20 of the 25 with the greatest
Leave results.
With
Labour struggling desperately in the polls, local initiatives are emerging to try and provide a united
left - of - centre challenge to the Conservatives in key
seats.
In each
seat we spoke to two types of people: those who voted no to Scottish independence in 2014,
Labour or Liberal Democrat in 2015, and who were undecided what to do this time round; and those who voted SNP at the last general election and to
leave the EU in last year's referendum.
I think activists can work to get Greens and Respect elected in a handful of FPTP
seats and we must all hope for an embarrassingly massive Tory landslide (300
seats or so) on < 50 % of the vote that will make everyone see what an absurd situation we are in, make Cameron's parliamentary party more unruly and nekedly nasty and — crucially — smash the
Labour Party so hard that both its right and its
left give up all hope of ever winning a FPTP election again, and destroy the hubris that decrees that they never collaborate with other progressive /
left forces.
Uniform change projections give SNP 52
seats (+46) and
leave Labour with just 6 -LRB--35).
Such an outcome might still
leave Labour with just three
seats more than the Conservatives, but it still represents a more attractive prospect than the one Panelbase portrayed in their previous poll a fortnight ago.
Lib Dems attack «potty» system that could
leave Labour with fewest votes but most
seats, and say reform is their priority
It seems somewhat likely that we'll end up with the Tories having more
seats than
Labour, but the parties of the
left having a majority of
seats in parliament.
Around 2m
Labour voters are believed to have voted for
Leave, and
Leave won in 70 % of
Labour MPs»
seats.
In a night of high drama, May's party shed
seats to Jeremy Corbyn's
Labour, which surpassed expectations,
leaving the Conservatives short of a working majority by just eight
seats.
Mr Murphy stepped down as Scottish
Labour leader last year after the SNP swept the electoral board taking 56 of 59 Westminster
seats, including his East Renfrewshire constituency, and
leaving the party with one MP in Scotland.
It's a safe
seat, so I tell the story of
Labour's Emma Lewell - Buck, just
leaving gaps for the victory speech and results.
Even using the «best» predicted outcome for
Labour, using the upper end of the confidence interval of the predicted
Labour vote (35.45) and the lower end for the Conservatives (35.3) and Liberal Democrats (21),
leaves Labour 18
seats short of a majority.
The research forecast that the SNP would get 53
seats, which together with
Labour's 268 would
leave the two parties just short of the 323 votes needed to lock - out a Conservative government.
Labour have chosen
left - wing firebrand Neil Findlay to challenge Angela for the
seat.
The main features of the elections in the marginal
seats were that the right of British politics (Tories and UKIP) was driven back and the
left (
Labour and Green) and centre (Lib Dems) advanced.
On these figures, the 325th MP, counting in from
left or right, will represent
Labour, but only just: a four -
seat swing from
Labour (or the SNP) to the Lib Dems, Conservatives or UKIP would give the median parliamentary
seat to the Liberal Democrats.
Practically the entire net gain of 45
seats for the Conservative gains will come from
Labour -
Leave seats as shown in table P3.
The Lib Dem collapse in Wales reached the point where they finished behind the British National party (BNP) in a number of constituencies, but their five
seats could
leave them as prospective coalition partners for
Labour.
A Lib Dem
seat until 2015, when
left - leaning MP Julian Huppert was felled by
Labour's Daniel Zeichner with a tiny 1.2 % majority.
They start from miles behind at the general election, but on this evidence they have a platform for pulling off a shock result if they really throw effort and resources into this
seat, especially if
Leave voters ditch
Labour for the Tories.
Labour seats with sub-ten per cent majorities are easy to write off in this election, especially in
Leave areas.
If that is repeated at the general election, this should be a
Labour hold - this
seat voted to
Leave, but it's not full - on Brexitania.
The British Election Study found that
Labour gained more
Leave voters from other parties than it lost to the Tories, including 18 percent of 2015 Ukip voters - a proportion that must have been lower in safe Tory
seats, but correspondingly higher in the safe
Labour heartlands where scooping up Ukip voters was the Tories» entire strategy for success.
But if
Labour emerges with 170
seats, the
left would need Lewis and Maskell to pull through - plus one more, which is why Corbyn's insiders are so desperate to secure safe
seats for allies like Katy Clark.
This would
leave Labour 56
seats short of an overall majority.
Translated into a projection of
seats, however, this would
leave Labour the largest party in the House of Commons, though well short of an overall majority.
The scale of woe was soon clear for Mrs May as she lost a string of symbolic
seats to
Labour - prompted by a 1.8 % swing to Jeremy Corbyn's party with 50
seats left to declare.
And
Labour's Clive Lewis, who also took his Norwich South
seat from a Lib Dem, wants to hold on after publicly backing progressive alliances, de-backing Brexit and
leaving Corbyn's top team.
«Yet it still exercised massive influence» — training candidates to ensure they won nominations for safe
seats, for example, and, as the
Labour left sees it, using networks of influence to secure important positions in the party.
The «
left - behinds» tend to be concentrated in safe
Labour seats — often struggling former mining and manufacturing towns in the North of England.
In Redditch, another
Leave - voting area,
Labour struggled, losing three
seats while the Conservatives picked up four to take control of the council.
While a resurgent Sinn Fein is viewed as posing a significant threat to
Labour on the
left of the political spectum, the previous post relating to Sinn Fein target constituencies did not identify any constituency as being one where a
Labour seat would be lost on the basis of a 2 %, or less, swing to Sinn Fein, whereas three Sinn Fein
seats would be lost to
Labour if there was a 2 %, or less, swing from Sinn Fein to
Labour in the Cork East, Dublin Central and Sligo - North Leitrim constituencies.
Given the
Labour Party's geography of support, but also given the increased level of opposition the party faces on the
left of the political spectrum from Sinn Fein, Solidarity - People Before Profit, the Social Democrats and other
left - wing groupings / independent candidates, it was argued that
Labour would struggle to convert votes into
seats if their national support levels fall below the 10 % level, as indeed proved to be the case with the February 26th election.
Previous analyses have, moreover, suggested that, especially given the increased competition on the
Left from Sinn Fein, other smaller left of centre parties and left - leaning independents, that it will be a struggle for Labour to win seats in most, if not all, constituencies if the party's national support levels fall below the ten percent level, as has been shown in similar analyses of recent Sunday Independent - Millward Brown and Irish Times - Ipsos MRBI po
Left from Sinn Fein, other smaller
left of centre parties and left - leaning independents, that it will be a struggle for Labour to win seats in most, if not all, constituencies if the party's national support levels fall below the ten percent level, as has been shown in similar analyses of recent Sunday Independent - Millward Brown and Irish Times - Ipsos MRBI po
left of centre parties and
left - leaning independents, that it will be a struggle for Labour to win seats in most, if not all, constituencies if the party's national support levels fall below the ten percent level, as has been shown in similar analyses of recent Sunday Independent - Millward Brown and Irish Times - Ipsos MRBI po
left - leaning independents, that it will be a struggle for
Labour to win
seats in most, if not all, constituencies if the party's national support levels fall below the ten percent level, as has been shown in similar analyses of recent Sunday Independent - Millward Brown and Irish Times - Ipsos MRBI polls.
A
LABOUR activist who has been given a
seat in the House of Lords by Jeremy Corbyn has defended far -
left anti-Semites, it emerged today.
The more
seats a party or grouping has, the more chance it has of forming a government - with 198
seats out of 646 the Conservative Party could only form a government if significant numbers of other MP's decided to back them, as happened in 1924 when there was a situation that the Conservatives didn't want to form a coalition with either other main party and equally the Liberals didn't want a coalition with
Labour and the Liberals and Conservatives saw it as an opportunity to allow
Labour into government but in a situation in which legislation was still reliant on Liberal and Conservative votes and they could be brought down at the most suitable time, supposing the notional gains were accurate and in the improbable event of the next election going exactly the same way in terms of votes then 214 out of 650 is 32.93 % of
seats compared to at 198 out of 646
seats - 30.65 % of
seats and the Conservative Party would then be 14
seats closer towards a total neccessary to form a government allowing for the greater number of
seats, on the one hand the Conservatives need
Labour to fail but equally they need to succeed themselves given that the Liberal Democrats appear likely to oppose anyone forming a government who does not embark on a serious programme to introduce PR, in addition PC & SNP would expect moves towards Independence for Scotland and Wales, the SDLP will be likely to back
Labour and equally UKIP would want a committment to withdraw from Europe and anyway will be likely to be in small numbers if any, pretty much that
leaves cutting a deal with the DUP which would only add the backing of an extra 10 - 13 MP's.
If repeated on a uniform swing at the election, the figures would
leave Labour 61
seats short of a majority.
If the party had managed to win such slightly higher support levels in the last general election in the 13 constituencies that fall into this category, then
Labour would have ended up winning 50
seats at the election, and the overall
seat tallies by party would have looked as follows: Fine Gael 73,
Labour 50, Fianna Fail 17, Sinn Fein 11, United
Left Alliance 3, Others 12.
It was reported that on the basis of these findings the Tories would only win an additional 20
seats from
Labour, again
leaving them short of an overall majority.
That
leaves 21
seats that voted to
Leave, in some cases quite heavily, and often with sizeable Ukip votes that outstrip the combined support for the Lib Dems and Greens that
Labour could tactically call upon.