I always urge some amount of caution with great big shifts in support, but in this case we have already seen
Labour increasing their support into the mid 30s and the Lib Dems dropping into the mid-teens with YouGov's daily polling, so while it's not to the same degree (this is the smallest Conservative lead any poll since the election has shown), the trends are in the same direction.
Not exact matches
In the Council's pre-budget submission to this committee we urged the government to boost Canadian productivity by
increasing female
labour force participation,
supporting women in STEM, enabling seniors to work for longer and helping Canadians navigate the changing job market.
Feedback from dads suggests the benefits of the course include: •
increased confidence in their role as a dad •
increased knowledge about how to look after their baby • learning how to
support their partner during pregnancy and
labour • learning how to improve their relationship after pregnancy • learning how to cope with a huge change in their lives.
In such a case, would it not be better to allow gravity, i.e; the birth mother standing and moving whilst in
labour, to take charge rather than the birthing mother instead lying on her back in an ambulance and then hospital along with the accompanying substantial
increase in stress levels?I suppose all I am trying to say is that IF my partner and I were to have a second baby, I really would like to
support my partner once more in having a home birth.
Given that Scottish
Labour, the Scottish Liberal Democrats and Scottish Greens all
support increasing tax in some form, the logic of that statement would be higher tax, but then the intent was more political: by tying the other parties (not, one suspects, the Scottish Tories) into the process, Sturgeon is heading off future battles.
According to a ComRes poll, for example, a clear majority of public
supports raising the minimum wage and
increasing the top rate of tax to 50p from 45p — two key
Labour pledges.
But he made clear
support for the changes would come at the price of
increased union influence on
Labour policy - to the extent that the party abandons its
support of the bulk of the coalition's deficit reduction measures.
Instead campaigning against racism would
increase Labour support amongst Muslim and socially liberal voters.
Labour also claimed Ukip
supports increased privatisation and charging to see a GP, although this is not official party policy.
In Copeland Tory
support increased by no less than 8.5 points — the biggest
increase in
support for a government party since Harold Wilson's
Labour government won the Hull North byelection in January 1966 (at the cost, incidentally, of a promise to build the Humber Bridge).
For instance,
Labour's overall share of the vote
increased in 2015, relative to the 2010 General Election, by 1.5 %, but the extent of the party's
support / seat losses in Scotland to the Scottish National Party (returning with just 1 of the 41 seats that the party had won there in 2010) meant that most of the 701,147 votes won by
Labour in Scotland were effectively wasted votes.
The fall in the Tory
support in the opinion polls since the autumn has seen no corresponding
increase in
Labour's
support.
Such policies would reduce
Labour's electoral
support — not
increase it.
There has been an Ashcroft poll in one of their most viable targets (Norwich South), but it showed
Labour well ahead, so it is possible that the
increase in Green
support may not translate into any extra seats.
As in the rest of the country there is a clear
increase in
Labour support following conference season and the government's handling of the credit crunch.
Support for
Labour has
increased because people think the action they've taken is actually working.
The
Labour Party was defeated heavily in the 1983 general election, winning only 27.6 % of the vote, its lowest share since 1918, and receiving only half a million votes more than the SDP - Liberal Alliance who leader Michael Foot condemned for «siphoning»
Labour support and enabling the Conservatives to greatly
increase their majority of parliamentary seats.
«
Labour will argue against the proposed
increase in EU spending and instead
support a real - terms cut in the budget... When we speak of budget reform, some will want to focus only on cuts to «EU fat cats» in Brussels.
As the threat from Nazi Germany
increased, in the late 1930s the
Labour Party gradually abandoned its pacifist stance and came to
support re-armament, largely due to the efforts of Ernest Bevin and Hugh Dalton who by 1937 had also persuaded the party to oppose Neville Chamberlain's policy of appeasement.
Given the
Labour Party's geography of
support, but also given the
increased level of opposition the party faces on the left of the political spectrum from Sinn Fein, Solidarity - People Before Profit, the Social Democrats and other left - wing groupings / independent candidates, it was argued that
Labour would struggle to convert votes into seats if their national
support levels fall below the 10 % level, as indeed proved to be the case with the February 26th election.
Previous analyses have, moreover, suggested that, especially given the
increased competition on the Left from Sinn Fein, other smaller left of centre parties and left - leaning independents, that it will be a struggle for
Labour to win seats in most, if not all, constituencies if the party's national
support levels fall below the ten percent level, as has been shown in similar analyses of recent Sunday Independent - Millward Brown and Irish Times - Ipsos MRBI polls.
Ten days ago,
Labour achieved the biggest
increase in its share of the vote since 1945, and I would like to thank to all those who
supported us and voted
Labour.
In an outspoken intervention that
increases the pressure on Scottish
Labour and the Scottish Liberal Democrats, both of which backed Ms Sturgeon, the Prime Minister argued that politicians should
support the legislation if they believe in the UK's «integrity», value and future.
In a statement sent out last night, the Corbyn -
supporting group explained that: «Momentum is to launch a nationwide initiative to
increase the involvement of children, parents and carers in Momentum and the
Labour Party.
Another poll by Kantar puts
Labour eight points behind, with Jeremy Corbyn's appeal to non-voters said to be the main reason for
Labour's
increased support.
«It should be noted that
Labour's
increased support in this poll predominantly comes from individuals who did not vote in the 2015 general election but are expected to vote this time around.»
The surge in
support for the left wing candidate is causing
increasing angst in the
Labour party and prompting private discussions about what can be done to stop Corbyn in his tracks.
Falconer admits that Cameron's deal won't guarantee a drop in immigration — «You have to accept free movement of
labour when you're within the EU» — and calls for increased domestic support for communities affected by high levels of immigration, and he also wants to hear a distinct Labour case for staying in t
labour when you're within the EU» — and calls for
increased domestic
support for communities affected by high levels of immigration, and he also wants to hear a distinct
Labour case for staying in t
Labour case for staying in the EU.
Labour has passed a raft of equality legislation since it came to office, but recent surveys have shown gay
support for the Tories on the
increase.
While the normal caveats apply, it's notable that in the course of the past five of these weekly polling averages we've never seen
Labour's
support increase: the best the party has managed is standing still, but otherwise it's been a constant (if gentle) decline since 13 February's high of 33.9 per cent.
Anyway, this two stage voting intention appears to pick up tactical and incumbency effects, so in
Labour held seats it tends to slightly
increase the reported level of
Labour support, in seats the Conservatives are defending it marginally boosts Conservative
support.
Point number 8 is particularly interesting, as I keep on reading how
Labour politicians want to get out into communities, and
increase support this way, and they seem so enthusiastic, but to me it suggests lack of boundaries.
The rise of UKIP and SNP, alongside the smaller
increases for Plaid Cymru and the Green Party (from around 2 % to 6 %)[115] saw the combined
support of the Conservative and
Labour party fall to a record low of around 65 %.
Importantly for the party this means that GB vote intention polls are understating the
increase in
Labour support in England and so their potential to take seats from the Conservatives.
To be sure, one should be cautious with celebrating the recent expansion of party membership as a sign that
Labour has become the «first mass party in the advanced capitalist world this century,» for if all it takes to count as a party member is a payment of # 3, it is not entirely clear why an
increase in membership figures would be a reliable indicator of public
support, let alone signalling
increased support from the «communities that send
Labour MPs to parliament.»
Labour lost out on a second seat relatively narrowly, but the only real question here is whether
Labour could retake a second seat — there is no realistic possibility of the Conservatives or Lib Dems
increasing their
support enough to win a second MEP.
Labour's recent swing towards Tory policies has therefore completely foreseeably led to no
increase in
support at all — but will demoralise a significant number of potential
Labour supporters.
If
Labour can really turn out university students and young ethnic minorities, it can take a couple of these seats - but to take any others it would need a high youth turnout across the board, or to significantly
increase its
support among Kippers.
Mr Griffin was elected to Brussels even though the BNP polled fewer votes in the region than it had in 2004 - the slump in
Labour support meant its share of the vote
increased.
In a boost for
Labour, which is embarking on a pre-election summer campaign called The Choice, the party has seen its
support increase by five points over the last month to 38 %, a share it last recorded in March.
The Tories would see their
support increase by three points under a Johnson premiership to 34 % while
Labour would see its
support fall by one point to 37 %.
It wasn't that long ago that any dissatisfaction with the
labour government would lead to an
increase in
support for the pointless Lib Dems.
If the Conservatives replaced David Cameron with Boris Johnson they would
increase their
support by four percentage points, wiping out
Labour's lead — CON 38 % (+4), LAB 38 % -LRB--3), LDEM 9 % (nc).
It will be interesting to see what happens with the «other» vote — it is probably partially down to
increased publicity for minor parties (especially the BNP) around the local elections, which will almost certainly fade with time, but it may also be down to people abandoning the
Labour party but not being prepared to
support one of the main three parties.
Contrary to widespread belief,
Labour's share of the UK popular vote
increased by 1.4 percentage points between the 2010 and 2015 general elections (from 29 to 30.4 per cent), despite the collapse of
Labour support in Scotland.
He will be hoping to
increase support enough scrape the last seat against
Labour and UKIP running strongly.
The promise to
increase the state pension every year by the higher of inflation, average earnings or a minimum of 2.5 % is
supported by
Labour.
I have no idea whether
Labour supports increases to the personal allowance.
I suspect this slight
increase in
Labour support (if existent) may be due to an
increase in
Labour voters who say they will actually turn up and vote rather than a switch between parties.
Labour have also
increased their
support at other by - elections.