The party has built its success on occupying a range of formerly popular
Labour policies such as free university tuition, free NHS prescription charges and maintaining a public sector health service.
Can the SNP come under unrelenting pressure about whether they would back
Labour policies such as hiked taxes on the top 5 %, increased corporation tax, a statutory living wage and sweeping public ownership?
Not exact matches
But it also has
policies directly addressing issues common to the garment industry,
such as prohibitions on forced and child
labour.
She observes that since the provinces control most of the social programs that are responsible for settling and integrating immigrants into Canadian society,
such as education, health care, welfare, and share
labour - market training with the feds, it only makes sense that they take a bigger role in implementing immigration
policy.
It looks particularly at the elements that have evolved differently to what was expected two years ago,
such as the terms of trade, the exchange rate, growth,
labour markets, inflation and consequentially monetary
policy settings.
Promoting
such policies for the
Labour machine was Momentum, a grassroots campaigning network which arose from the 2015 general election.
As an immediate response to
Labour's losing a considerable number of those middle - class voters, Tony Blair and his close aides,
such as Peter Mandelson and David Miliband attacked Ed Miliband for ditching their
policy of aspiration.
Therefore New
Labour needs to talk less about clever theoretical things
such as
policy (because women have very small brains) and appeal rather more to their hearts (because women, though dumb as toast, do have very large hearts).
The unfolding of events in the weeks leading up to the vote on 10 December demonstrated two key points: firstly, the importance of the
Labour left taking a clear campaigning stand against such anti-woman, anti-working class and deeply unpopular policies; secondly, the crucial role played by a campaign led by women — the Save Lone Parent Benefit campaign — and orientated to linking up with parliamentary and labour movement oppos
Labour left taking a clear campaigning stand against
such anti-woman, anti-working class and deeply unpopular
policies; secondly, the crucial role played by a campaign led by women — the Save Lone Parent Benefit campaign — and orientated to linking up with parliamentary and
labour movement oppos
labour movement opposition.
Labour's media allies - in the BBC and also
such papers as The Independent and the The Mirror - have been denouncing the
policy with great prominence.
As a matter of
policy, many early
Labour MPs
such as Will Thorne and Herbert Morrison spurned the Liberal Party's support of free trade, «frankly recognising that control over imports represented a more logical
policy for a socialist government than free trade» (Pugh 2010: 29).
In addition, he claims this decline threatens the link between trade unions and the
Labour party, as it becomes increasingly undemocratic to have these smaller organisations having
such a large say in the development of party
policy.
Combined with other popular
policies, including withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan,
such a shift in orientation would place
Labour in the best position to fight the forthcoming election campaign.
As part of a
policy review, Miliband proposes sanctions against
labour agencies that advertise solely for immigrant workers, an early warning system if some industries are employing disproportionately large number of foreign workers, a doubling of fines if employers undercut the minimum wage, and no early lifting of migrant barriers for new EU countries
such as Croatia.
Such policies would reduce
Labour's electoral support — not increase it.
However, more moderate «Corbynites»
such as Emily Thornberry (a solid centre - left MP until 2015) and Angela Rayner (whose free school meals
policy was widely praised by
Labour centrists) could hoover up more support, potentially even beyond the
Labour left.
Unions should no longer have
such a large say in how
Labour party
policy is formulated, a former T&G leader has suggested.
The 19 leading figures from groups
such as Fabian Society, Compass,
Policy Network and Progress expressed unease that
Labour's leader may not secure a mandate for the kind of reforms they believe Britain needs.
Douglas Alexander told the Scottish
Labour conference that his party should hold the Lib Dems to account for their role in implementing
policies such as welfare reform and a rise in tuition fees.
When
Labour came to power in 1997 they expressed a desire to move these issues onto the agenda, with a Human Rights Act, a PM opposed to ID cards, and
such things as an «Ethical foreign
policy» to express a belief that the rights of others could be placed above our national interest.
At the time, it was part of a civil rights agenda being set by the then
Labour opposition, which included
such things as the Human Right Act, and a (failed) «Ethical Foreign
Policy» and was in stark contrast to the authoritarian approach of the then Conservative Government; Michael Howard's support for ID cards and Ken Clarke using PII Cetificates in the Matrix Churchill case spring to mind.
A majority of voters back
Labour's
policies in key areas
such as the NHS, minimum wages and energy pricing.
Yet, agree or disagree with the
Labour campaign to stay in the single market,
such a
policy does not represent an alternative to Corbynism as an identity, it is simply a
policy (however vital people may judge it to be).
In my North Kent hinterland I can see this
policy going down like a bucketload of cold sick in towns
Labour needs to win, towns which are alienated and impoverished (more so than Canterbury which we won) but elected Tories — and voted Leave in droves —
such as Gravesend, Strood, Rochester, Chatham, Gillingham and Sheerness.
And the public is right too that
such a
policy is perfectly possible, and that that is what
Labour should now be promulgating.
Hence, «Toris have no
Policies», «increasingly empty rhetoric» and other
such phrases are liberally scattered about as the mindless mantra of the
Labour attack.
Mr Blair has taken the unusual step of briefing newspapers over his concern that the Liberal Democrats will get nowhere if they move to the left of
Labour, adopt a
policy of demanding higher taxes and become more critical of his party's efforts to tackle measures
such as social exclusion.
In the days after the Budget, unease grew as Harriet Harman, the party's acting leader, and Chris Leslie, the shadow chancellor, signalled that
Labour would not oppose Conservative
policies such as the 1 per cent cap on public - sector pay rises for four years and the reduced benefit cap of # 20,000 (# 23,000 in London).
Such is the divisive nature of the
policy, it's unlikely that the Conservatives, Lib Dems, or even
Labour would want to go anywhere near it, let alone formalise it as a legislative commitment.
Lord Layard, often cited as the origin of many New
Labour economic
policies such as the «New Deal», has since devoted his attention to «happiness economics».
Labour's manifesto contains new pledges on the minimum wage, rail fares and childcare, alongside
policies such as the mansion tax.
New
labour can not create social justice through equal oppurtunity alone, they need to have
policies that directly end poverty
such as getting down the price of gas through state intervention, building council houses through state intervention.
After a series of damaging news stories
such as Corbyn's questioning of the shoot - to - kill
policy for terrorists, ComRes now gives the Conservatives a 15 - point lead over
Labour.
The trouble is at the moment
Labour lacks the credibility to sell
such a
policy to the British public.
Since then, Jim Murphy,
Labour's new Scottish leader, has fought pugnaciously to revive the party's fortunes, with bold new
policies (
such as promising to hire 1,000 more nurses from the proceeds of the UK - wide Mansion tax, which very few Scots will pay).
Labour is moving leftwards, not necessarily far left, but my point is that there are many unknowns
such as the McClusky / union ties, or any kind of
policy which is in the public domain which are yet to play out.
If inflation was to rocket, or
Labour were to suddenly abandon vast swathes of
policy in panic then maybe
such a strategy would work, but I rather think that the general Public perception will be that David Cameron and George Osborne are not up to the job of government.
When audience members at the fringe suggested that there were serious
policy differences between
Labour and the Lib Dems —
such as the attitudes of the two parties towards civil liberties — Campbell's fellow panelist, former
Labour home secretary Charles Clarke, joked that he was «surveillance master in chief».
How is it possible that
Labour should put in
such a poor performance on the EU in terms of its
policies, broadcasts and printed material without this leading to some critical reflection?
A
Labour source said
such sites routinely received hundreds of postings a day, most of which were perfectly innocent messages about party
policies or events.
The membership of each of
Labour's
policy commissions is drawn from our National Policy Forum, the Shadow Cabinet and our National Executive Committee, and reflects all parts of our movement, including grassroots Labour Party members, representatives of affiliates such as trade unions, and elected politi
policy commissions is drawn from our National
Policy Forum, the Shadow Cabinet and our National Executive Committee, and reflects all parts of our movement, including grassroots Labour Party members, representatives of affiliates such as trade unions, and elected politi
Policy Forum, the Shadow Cabinet and our National Executive Committee, and reflects all parts of our movement, including grassroots
Labour Party members, representatives of affiliates
such as trade unions, and elected politicians.
Indeed, the topics for discussion by
Labour's national
policy forum (NPF) this year were deliberately designed to exclude
such «controversial» subjects.
Many
Labour MPs had no idea that
such a bold move was in the offing, but Ed Miliband is limbering up to flesh out the
policy in a speech in Warwick today.
I can not believe the Conservatives and
Labour have considered the ramifications of
such a
policy.
Mary Creagh MP,
Labour's shadow environment secretary, said: «The white paper fails to set out a clear plan for major challenges
such as reforestation or biodiversity loss; nor does it deal with concerns about planning
policy.
Unilateral nuclear disarmament did not cause the secession of the SDP, since it did not become
Labour Party
policy until two years and a General Election after that direct intervention in the British electoral process by a President of the European Commission as
such, a true betrayal of Gaitskell, Bevan, Bevin, Attlee, the lot.
To open dialogue with affiliated trade unions to win support at
Labour Party conferences for democratic rule changes and for pro-working-class
policies on issues
such as cuts, the living wage, jobs, and trade union rights.
He hasn't splurged out
policy announcements full of true conservative «red meat» because he knew
Labour would either steal
such policies or denounce them to Kingdom Come as nasty Thatcherism.
Bell and Saatchi and Saatchi produced memorable posters for the Conservatives,
such as a picture of a British soldier's arms raised in surrender with the caption: «
Labour's
Policy On Arms» — a reference to Labour's policy of unilateral nuclear disarm
Policy On Arms» — a reference to
Labour's
policy of unilateral nuclear disarm
policy of unilateral nuclear disarmament.
Now if we are driven into voting for UKIP, which does still espouse many Traditional Tory
Policies, is unequivocal on a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty and which has eschewed all the Eco-rubbish which has beguiled the other political parties
such as New
Labour, New Conservative and the Lib Dems, this may not win any seats for UKIP at the next General Election, indeed they will be lucky to hold onto Bob Spink's seat at Castle Point under FPTP.