You are correct that I voted Conservative last time, and in the absence of any current
Labour policies there seems little option but to do so again.
Not exact matches
There are no easy fixes for Canada's
labour problems, with think - tanks and
policy wonks suggesting everything from a reduction in EI to a Youth Employment Guarantee.
So if
there are
policies that would boost potential output — the sum of
labour force growth and productivity growth — then we need to pursue them.
We choose to source fair trade certified organic ingredients wherever possible as part of our internal social justice
policy to ensure
there is no child
labour used, above average wages paid, and education and health care benefits provided to provided to farmers.»
A Cochrane review summarises the quantitative research examining induction vs waiting: «
There were fewer baby deaths when a
labour induction
policy was implemented after 41 completed weeks or later.»
Though
there clearly are differences between Conservative and
Labour policy, the conception of party politics as a genuine conflict of ideas seems to have been lost.
The Nigeria
Labour Congress National Executive Council is also meeting tomorrow and we have invitation to also attend the meeting and that is why today we have taken our position and
there is no doubt that we are also going to fight for that reversal and we are not stopping on just reversal to N86.50 k, we are also going to further our struggle against the deregulation
policy, against the privatization
policy and the need for a political alternative and that is where we are going.
There's also the inconvenient little factoid that this is simply the continuation of a
Labour policy first rolled out in 2009 http://www.smarthealthcare.com/111-pilot-09jul09 But Andy Burnham is from t «north so that's OK then.
However, when these
policies are associated with
Labour,
there is a notable drop in support, with the immediate reaction being «how will they pay for it all?»
If the forecasters and betting markets are right in their central forecasts then Con + LD+DUP combined will be short of a majority and so a
Labour led government should form if they can secure the support of the SNP and probably others, including the Liberal Democrats, will be needed too: a potentially messy and unstable situation but also one where
there is sufficient similarity in ideological perspective for
policy agreement on plenty of issues.
Labour have tried to frame this in terms of a failing of his entire academies
policy, but
there was some support for Mr Gove from Sir Michael who said that structural changes were not at fault.
IF, and it's a big IF,
there were to be a hung Parliament next time around, far better that the LibDems (and I guess this applies to the SNP, Plaid Cymru and Dr. Dick Taylor too) act as kingmakers by voting for or against the government, whether it be
Labour or Conservative, * on the merits of each individual piece of legislation * than propping up some of the most loathsome, reactionary
policies this side of the self - styled moral crusaders from the ear of High Thatcherism.
As Polly Toynbee: «
There are
policies here that Gordon Brown and Alistair Darling adamantly, and wrongly, refused to contemplate, so wedded were they to New
Labour's rigid caution, triangulating themselves to death.»
If the
Labour leadership campaign has proved anything it is that
there is need for a change in economic thinking if those
policies to be offered in 2020 by all parties — but most especially those on the left — are to resonate with people anxious for change.
If I were advising
Labour, I'd say it's clear
there's something wrong with the team, or with the
policies, or with the message, or with a combination of all three.
Whilst
there are some ways in which I think
Labour and the Lib Dems could work to each other's benefit at a national
policy level I just can not imagine how this would effect the dynamics of local politics, as others have pointed out.
«Former home secretary Jacqui Smith has said she worries
Labour's
policy review resembles a pregnant panda - a long time in the making but with no - one sure if
there is anything in
there.
If
there are three - way negotiations, the Liberal Democrat
policy of partial renewal of Trident might be a helpful focal point at which
Labour and the SNP might compromise.
Tepid, woolly stuff, I'm afraid.The problem with
Labour — and it's a tough pill to swallow if you're looking for the alternatives to the Coalition
policies — is that
there's sod all of substance it disagrees with: simply playing different mood music isn't good enough.
There is a good reason for this: most of the current Conservative
policies have their antecedents in the
policies of the last
Labour government and the
Labour Party is just as tied - up with private interests as are the Conservatives.
The inescapable reality is that, for the forseeable future,
there is only one way the Lib Dems will be able to put their
policies into practice: in partnership with either the left - leaning
Labour party, or the right - leaning Conservatives.
Again,
there are probably many reasons why many traditional
Labour voters plumped for UKIP but one of them is plainly that
Labour failed to convince this cohort that it had a sound immigration
policy.
There was nothing subtle about economic
policy under New
Labour.
There is frustration among some
Labour policy leaders at Miliband's reluctance to embrace more of the report, designed to show how the left set out a redistributionist agenda in the post-crash world.
What is utterly tragic is that
there was no debate at
Labour's national
policy forum about this or any other issue.
There are four key elements that can be identified in Corbyn's economic strategy which he outlined in a speech last week, all of which are grounded on solid economic foundations and which have little in common with
Labour's
policies of the early 1980s.
There were two incidents when loyal Scottish and Welsh
Labour MPs were needed to vote through
Labour government
policies because so many of their English colleagues rebelled.
But a
Labour source told PoliticsHome that
there had been no change of
policy from the Opposition.
Labour have not come out with a policy on the referendum and there is no concensus among labour supporters about it, or much interest
Labour have not come out with a
policy on the referendum and
there is no concensus among
labour supporters about it, or much interest
labour supporters about it, or much interest in it.
Meanwhile, back at the
policy making process...
There is very little informed debate in the
Labour party about education.
There has been little formal opposition to many of these
policies from the
Labour party.
There is already quite a long list of topics where
Labour and Lib Dem
policy overlaps, and now a fresh item can be added to the list.
Asked what would happen if a new leader tried to change
policy to support Nato withdrawal, he said: «
There's always been in the history of the
Labour party individuals who take different positions.
However — and this is a contrast with John Major replacing Margaret Thatcher —
there are no obvious
policy changes that might affect an alteration in
Labour's poor fortune.
There was one brief flicker of hope that
Labour would once again embrace a broad church, around the time of Miliband's 2013 «One Nation» conference speech: but in
policy terms One Nation turned out, for the most part, to be a slogan, and little more.
Although
policy remains patchy,
there are some clues as to what
Labour's international intentions after 2015 will be.
There is also a worrying situation emerging in Wales, where
Labour remains in charge of health service delivery and
policy.
``...
there was an elephant in the room: the fact that if
Labour party conference was restored to a meaningful part in the
policy making process, then we probably wouldn't be having this debate at all».
As for Ukip, as Douglas Alexander,
Labour's general election coordinator, observed in an interview on Friday morning: «
There's no instant magic
policy, no speech or campaign tactic that can itself address the depth of disengagement we're witnessing across the electorate.»
With this in mind
there are some decidedly odd features of
Labour policy for England.
But for several weeks
there was an elephant in the room: the fact that if
Labour party conference was restored to a meaningful part in the
policy making process, then we probably wouldn't be having this debate at all.
It is unclear whether
there is a majority of members favour imposing a whip in support of their view on other
Labour MPs against the party's
policy, but some certainly favour that.
A government incapable of dealing with snow is
there for the political taking if
Labour has
policies worth voting for.
«It is not a manifesto because it is not for a political party — it is for people whether they are in the
Labour party, Conservative party, Liberal Democrats, wherever, who can see the way politics is developing in the country and who think
there must be a better set of
policy ideas for the future.»
Of course
there is the usual caveat about immigration at the start, part of a protective shield of critical
policies which
Labour candidates can use on the door step.
There was a brief period before the 1997 election when it looked like the idea of «stakeholder capitalism», which explicitly recognises the tension at the heart of profit - driven business enterprise and seeks to mitigate it by empowering employees and the community at large in the decisions of otherwise independent businesses, might form part of
Labour Party
policy.
For many
Labour members, the feeling is that you have to be very active to get involved,
there are no quick and easy options, for instance in
policy development or candidate selection.
There are a number of viable options available for Miliband and his
policy coordinators ranging from the Blue
Labour doctrine promoted by Lord Maurice Glasman, or the ideas of «The Purple Book» penned by the remaining Blairites of the party.
There are some clear
policy options which
Labour could consider which I would hope would be broadly supported and, if adopted, would be a significant step forward.
He said
there was growing alarm that key
policies concerning drugs, land taxes, electoral and constitutional reform could all be ditched because they were opposed by both
Labour and the Tories.