Sentences with phrase «labour policy against»

Not exact matches

The above suggests that the students are being joined by organized labour in a larger scope of protest against neo-liberal policies in general.
The signatories of this letter warn against the potential for trade agreements like NAFTA to restrict Canada's ability to enforce its own environmental regulations, maintain labour standards, and keep jobs and pollution from leaking to other states with weaker policies.
The Nigeria Labour Congress National Executive Council is also meeting tomorrow and we have invitation to also attend the meeting and that is why today we have taken our position and there is no doubt that we are also going to fight for that reversal and we are not stopping on just reversal to N86.50 k, we are also going to further our struggle against the deregulation policy, against the privatization policy and the need for a political alternative and that is where we are going.
All this - and the unprecedented (in my memory) sight of Labour arguing against the Tories on economic policy while being backed — to all intents and purposes - by the CBI, Institute of Directors AND the TUC.
During the Labour leadership campaign, he described himself as a socialist, and spoke out against some of the actions of the Blair ministry, including criticising its record on civil liberties and foreign policy.
The unfolding of events in the weeks leading up to the vote on 10 December demonstrated two key points: firstly, the importance of the Labour left taking a clear campaigning stand against such anti-woman, anti-working class and deeply unpopular policies; secondly, the crucial role played by a campaign led by women — the Save Lone Parent Benefit campaign — and orientated to linking up with parliamentary and labour movement opposLabour left taking a clear campaigning stand against such anti-woman, anti-working class and deeply unpopular policies; secondly, the crucial role played by a campaign led by women — the Save Lone Parent Benefit campaign — and orientated to linking up with parliamentary and labour movement opposlabour movement opposition.
IF, and it's a big IF, there were to be a hung Parliament next time around, far better that the LibDems (and I guess this applies to the SNP, Plaid Cymru and Dr. Dick Taylor too) act as kingmakers by voting for or against the government, whether it be Labour or Conservative, * on the merits of each individual piece of legislation * than propping up some of the most loathsome, reactionary policies this side of the self - styled moral crusaders from the ear of High Thatcherism.
For starters, he was one of the Labour rebels who voted against Tony Blair's 90 - day detention policy, back in 2005.
«Ministers fear Lib Dem activists at the party's annual conference, which starts this weekend in Glasgow, are set to rebel against key Government policies and may vote to reinstate the 50p rate introduced by Labour weeks before it lost power in 2010.
The oratorical flourish at the end of the debate on Syria was the most vivid example of defiance, but it was also Hilary who used a Today programme interview soon after Corbyn had been elected to politely insist that Labour policy was in favour of renewing trident and then to appear once again to express his support for the right of police to «shoot to kill», in both cases against the publicly declared position of his leader.
In Labour - Tory marginals, a vote for the Lib Dems is a vote which helps the Tories against progressive policies
Chief lobbyist Pascal Kerneis told a meeting on EU investment policy in 2011: «Industry will oppose any deal in which investment protection is traded off against public policy objectives, including human and labour rights.»
At least what an account of Labour latest national policy forum revealed here on Left Futures in a piece headlined Trade unions vote against ending austerity in 2015.
Yes, the very same institutions that are backing strikes and protests against ConDem austerity policies stood aside when it was suggested to Labour's three - day national policy forum in Milton Keynes that Labour should not stick with Tory spending cuts in 2015/16.
As part of a policy review, Miliband proposes sanctions against labour agencies that advertise solely for immigrant workers, an early warning system if some industries are employing disproportionately large number of foreign workers, a doubling of fines if employers undercut the minimum wage, and no early lifting of migrant barriers for new EU countries such as Croatia.
A battle against Labour shifting its policy is being waged by the Blairites and their allies in the media.
He duly held his own again against David Cameron, focusing on one policy theme (housing benefit cuts) and showing sufficient brevity and spontaneity — real or contrived — to persuade sceptical Labour colleagues they picked the right brother after all.
In January 2016, McGovern resigned from Labour's policy review on child poverty and combating inequality, as a protest against Progress being described by shadow Chancellor John McDonnell as having «a hard right agenda».
Labour MEPs opposed an increase in the budget because of continuing waste on the common agricultural policy, and were campaigning on violence against women, assistance for disabled people, allegations of corruption against EU officials in Kosovo, commitment to science and, with Steve Rotheram MP, on tyre safety.
He may have found a neat way of avoiding the trap Ashdown warned his successor against: that of marginalising the party by adopting the policies of the left just when mainstream Labour is abandoning them.
It should also be noted that the political fund does not need to be handed over to the Labour party, it simply needs to be used for political purposes, and this could conceivably be campaigning against Labour over unpopular policies through advertising or supporting independent Labour candidates.
It is unclear whether there is a majority of members favour imposing a whip in support of their view on other Labour MPs against the party's policy, but some certainly favour that.
Surely acting against his union's policy is something a Labour councillor would wish to avoid?
Balls» Budget response showed an improved ability on the Labour benches to deploy damaging framing devices against the coalition, with the shadow chancellor branding yesterday's housing policy a «spare home subsidy».
The party's MPs had to vote with Labour against the policy or «forfeit the right to call themselves a progressive political party,» he argued.
When considering who has the best policies for the country, the Conservatives were backed by 35 per cent of voters, against 25 per cent for Labour.
He also warned against the new Labour leadership having an «anti Jewish image» and criticised various policies.
Labour has a new policy on free schools it wants to try out - for it, against building them just for middle classes and using untrained teachers.
The argument against Corbyn isn't about his personal image and manner though, it's that he'd put the Labour party in a ideological and policy position that wouldn't win votes, that the Labour party itself would risk ripping itself apart under a leader with little support among the Parliamentary party and a long history of rebellion.
Ironically and utterly bizarrely, we are today debating a Labour motion that goes against the policy introduced by the previous Labour Government.
Labour MEPs opposed an increase in the budget because of continuing waste on the common agricultural policy, and were campaigning on violence against women, assistance for disabled people, allegations of corruption -LSB-...]
Corbyn says McMahon's success came from standing against Conservative austerity policies and indicates Labour's strength
A new Survation poll for Labour List of 1,037 people shows that 72 % of the public are in favour of the policy to fund the NHS to the tune of # 2.5 bn extra a year, partially using taxes against tobacco companies and mansions as well as closing loopholes.
I am not against convincing Tories to vote Labour, though why they would do so if Labour stands on policies barely distinguishable from the Tories at times escapes me.
Unite's joint general secretary Tony Woodley was even more effusive, welcoming his decision to come out against many of New Labour's policies «at long last».
«And no one in Scotland should be in any doubt - whether under Kezia Duglade or Corbyn - Labour are a party that backs an extreme Tory Brexit and policies like Trident renewal, against Scotland's national interests.»
He says that Labour party policies started with the «hated other» being «the bowler - hatted bourgeoisie», but eventually turned against the English working class.
Labour had struggled to come up with any meaningful line against the actual policies which Osborne unveiled yesterday.
The release of solid policy details is being treated as a direct riposte to Labour claims that the Tories have «no substance», and a defensive manoeuvre against Gordon Brown's detailed and policy - filled conference speech last week.
«David Cameron might think he is building the big society - but it's not in support of his policies, but against them,» he said in a speech to Labour's Welsh conference in Llandudno.
Corbyn and his close allies are discussing how to manage the expected rebellion among Labour MPs — including some on the frontbench — against the party's policy of not frustrating Brexit.
A move against this policy may also be a move against the Tory leader, at a time when the Leveson Inquiry edges ever closer to No 10's doorstep, Labour climb in the polls and the European growth versus austerity argument looks to isolate the prime minister.
At times openly shouting at him from the benches behind, moderate Labour members demanded to know why Mr Corbyn himself was rebelling against standing Labour Party policy.
The pledge card, which mirrors New Labour's initiative in 1997, will promise free party membership for trade unionists, the building of 1m new homes over the course of a parliament, an increase in the minimum wage funded by a cut in employers» national insurance, a cost - of - living test for every policy item and a cabinet minister to «take action for the consumer against rip - off companies».
The author analyses Labour s strategic errors and the debilitating bumps in the road the 10p tax rate row, the disastrous battles over 42 - day detention, the plots against Gordon Brown s leadership, poor local and European election results and perceived policy U-turns.
Ed Miliband will attempt to fight back against his internal Labour critics today by unveiling new policies demanding more «responsibility» from the highest paid people and welfare claimants.
If Labour had walked into the «Nos» lobby it would have been voting against its own policy.
Corbin and his army do not wish to engage with these and moderates who remain (i.e. most of them) in the Labour Party will be stymied from engaging with these voters because a) to set out policies that attract them will go against Corbyn and his new «democracy», b) this will look divided and c) the public is highly sceptical about 21st century socialism.
«I was made aware in December last year that a complaint made against me was being referred to Labour's national constitutional committee as a potential breach of the party's policy on sexual harassment.
Dramas from elections past - like the way Michael Foot was nearly sacked as Leader half way through the 1983 campaign, like Kinnock and Hattersley endlessly contradicting each other over Labour's tax plans in 1987, like Kinnock «s «take to the hills» defence policy against a potential Soviet invasion, like the tax bombshell, like Maggie Thatcher's «I want the doctor I want, on the day I want» rant in 1987, like John Major unleashing the soap box in 1992, like Neil Hamilton and Martin Bell slugging it out on Knutsford Heath in 1997, like the Prescott punch of 2001 - seem more vivid than the more measured and choreographed procession of 2010.
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