Does require the UKIP vote to go to Torries plus defection from Labour to Both the Torries and the LIb Dems and prehaps a low turnout in
the Labour strong hold heavily BME wards.
Not exact matches
Jason McCartney, who took the three - way marginal Colne Valley off
Labour while simultaneously
holding off a
strong (if negative) challenge from the local Lib Dems, says his team got the campaigning habit as early as October 2007.
Labour did well in London, winning Hammersmith and Fulham, David Cameron's favourite council, and overturning a Conservative
hold on Croydon despite a
strong track record by the party in the area.
McMahon also secured a 10,835 majority over UKIP's John Bickley, who was tipped as
Labour's
strongest contender for the so - called
Labour «safe seat» which
Labour has
held for the last 45 years.
Such an effect might also see
Labour move back towards the vast majority of BME candidates in high minority population seats — ie less Parmjit Dhanda / Ashok Kumar examples of representing areas with low BME populations — but one difference between
Labour and the other parties is that
Labour does
hold such seats, and so the effect of very
strong local preferences in the other parties would be
stronger.
Can those marginal
Labour constituency MSPs
hold on or will the national level swings in public opinion bode too
strong?
Almond Valley is another seat with a
strong Labour background (the Westminster constituency was
held by Robin Cook until his death), and with little interest in voting for the Liberal Democrats or the Conservatives.
A
strong Liberal Democrat leader whom he admired was a powerful source of pressure on the Prime Minister to live up to
Labour's pre-election commitment - in the Cook Mclennan agreement - to
hold a referendum on electoral reform within the lifetime of this Parliament.
This has culminated in the absurdist spectacle of a
strong, hard - working
Labour candidate in Rochester and Strood, which was
held by
Labour until 2010, being ignored by party HQ so that Ukip can give David Cameron a bloody nose.
«I think the most powerful argument for
Labour in this election - because of the way the polls are, and the way the opinion polls are and the leadership issue - the most powerful argument for
Labour is to say it's important for our democracy that the Government is
held to account and needs a
strong opposition.»
Whenever brief sparks of passion threatened to take
hold - as in a
strong diatribe against «these
Labour politicians» - there was always a section on something depressing to follow it.
Mrs May also
held big leads over the
Labour leader on who was a
strong leader (42 % gap), who was good on the world stage (37 % gap), and competence (31 %).
Writing in the British Journal of Politics and International Relations, he argued the emphasis on the crisis of debt having a «
strong hold over government policy» was no accident - and warned
Labour needs to do more to combat it.
But despite the
strong attacks from Green and
Labour members Mr Johnson
held court with admirable ease, swiping away objections with long - winded witticisms and sly retorts.
Mr Ashworth
holds one of three shadow cabinet seats on the powerful 35 -
strong body that will be pivotal for
Labour's future.
I am a
strong grassroots campaigner — in the 1998 local elections
Labour held control of the council because we won back a Lib Dem seat by three votes after a relentless campaign in my ward (Jeremy Corbyn and Stephen Twigg know the work involved)
«We should
hold on to as many seats as possible and use our
strong presence in the Commons to influence a smaller
Labour majority.
Assuming SNP support
holds strong, Curtice reckons
Labour will need to lead the Tories by over 12 % in 2020 to form a government.
While
Labour managed to take control of Plymouth, the party failed to build a
stronger hold in London, missing out on target seats such as Barnet, Wandsworth, Westminster, Hillingdon and Kensington.