Sentences with phrase «labour than conservative»

This is particularly in evidence at the moment and we typically find that 10 % fewer Labour than Conservative voters are certain to vote.

In that same month, our poll for the Independent on Sunday found that, while 39 per cent of voters agreed that «The NHS would be safer under Labour than the Conservatives», 47 per cent disagreed.

Liberal Democrats after the election: a left of centre party which should be able to work more easily with Labour than the Conservatives

The press as kingmaker!The Daily Mail swung the 1924 election for the Tories by publishing the forged Zinoviev letter.The use by «The Telegraph» of purloined discs on MPs expenses was more damaging to Labour than the conservatives because it discredited parliament, differential voting did the rest.

Past elections has shown that they generally fair better against Labour than the Conservatives.

So UKIP is actually drawing more support nationally from Labour than the Conservatives, right?

And he was not surprised the survey showed twice as many would prefer a future coalition with Labour than the Conservatives.

On current evidence, the SNP could return 30 - 50 MPs on 3 - 4 % of the UK vote, and these MPs will be much more inclined to work with Labour than the Conservatives (something recent Conservative attack ads will only have encouraged).

Yet, despite this, the likeliest outcome remains a much messier hung parliament than in 2010, and an easier path out of the morass for Labour than the Conservatives.

Not exact matches

Both are Tory bastions which were flagship councils under Margaret Thatcher, but factors including the EU referendum have pushed up support for Labour, which advocates a softer position on Brexit than the Conservatives.

With just over four weeks until Londoners cast their votes, an exclusive Opinium survey for the Evening Standard says Labour candidate Khan still enjoys a sizable lead and is more trusted than Conservative Goldsmith on the majority of key issues.

Farron is far too much of a pro to be drawn on whether he would rather ally with Labour or the Conservatives, but the general assumption is that the left - leaning Lib Dem would be far more at home with Ed Miliband than David Cameron (or Boris Johnson, come to that).

Rather than have 200 hardcore Tories in a constituency select a hard - right Tory MP, Conservative candidates would have to moderate their views and platform in order to appeal to non-partisan and even Labour voters if they want to pass the primary.

The Conservatives have received well over half of all party donations this year and far more than Labour and the Liberal Democrats combined.

The Lib Dems got four less than expected, taking four seats; the Conservatives two more than forecast, on 307; while Labour held three more seats than predicted, taking 258.

The reason for this is that there are many more liberal parties in the UK Parliament than Conservative, and chances are that during motions that have to carry in parliament that need a majority conservatives will have a hard time passing laws if the Liberal Democrats, Green Party, SNP and Labour all vote against the Tories» motions.

Conservative peers are usually more socially liberal than Labour MPs.

The upshot: Labour had far more engagement on Facebook, Twitter and Instagram than the Conservatives, and the Greens ruled YouTube.

Labour's plans amount to # 6bn a year over five years on average, but while the Health Foundation - which is independent and funded by an existing endowment - said they would deliver more money to the NHS than the Conservatives, it still wouldn't stretch far enough.

It was utterly predictable that Trident renewal would be used by the Conservatives to question Labour's credibility and trustworthiness, and by the smaller anti-nuclear parties to distinguish themselves, but the profile of the issue in this election campaign has been far greater than anybody predicted.

Most Liberal Democrat activists want the party to support Labour rather than the Conservatives in government after the next general election, a poll has found.

Incidentally you can check the figures in your new chum Peter Oborne's book the Rise of Political Lying in which he charts the addiction of New \ Labour to systematic misinformation and explains why it is they are so much worse than the Conservative s Party I think you will find you lame - ass weak sheeeet over in the cocked hat into which I have knocked it bitch (Just watched the wire....)

At the same time, supporters of the Labour Party are more likely to say that colonial rule was a bad thing than those who back the Conservatives or UKIP.

Conservatives, Labour, and Liberal Democrats alike agreed to even stronger devolution than is now the case, with the now - permanent Scottish Parliament being given plenary powers regarding taxation and some important social issues, especially involving the operation of the modern welfare state.

Whisper it quietly but Labour's conference in Brighton next week might emerge more united than the Conservatives in Manchester the week after.

It is also clear that Labour MPs give the initiative a lower priority than Conservative MPs.

The near certainty of a predicted Labour victory above a certain threshold is largely driven by five Labour candidates who spent over # 28,000, all of whom were victorious (by contrast 11 Conservative candidates spent more than # 28,000 but only 5 of those won).

Labour have only been out of power for two years, having left Britain with the biggest deficit in the OECD, and yet YouGov polling throughout the early half of May 2012 have put Labour between nine and thirteen points ahead of the Conservatives, giving Labour a more than comfortable majority at the next General Election.

In contrast, the effect of spending for Conservative candidates is much more muted: although spending more money increases their probability of winning, they have to spend much more than Labour candidates for a fraction of the result.

The Conservatives in 2010 got more votes nationally than Labour in 2005... and fewer seats.

Cameron's version of the Conservatives had more in common with Blair's Labour than with the more socially conservative tradition of his own party.

Labour's masterplan to win the 2015 general election through chit - chat rather than cash is riddled with holes — and allows the Conservatives buy their way back into power.

Labour frequently accused the Conservatives during the 1980s of moving unemployed people on to sickness benefits - classifying them as economically inactive rather than unemployed - as a strategy for cutting the unemployment figure.

But the average of the final polls in 2015 had Labour a couple of points higher than Labour are now, and the eventual Conservative lead in 2015 was 7 points bigger than it was in the final polls.

Abbott claimed that Labour values under Jeremy Corbyn are the «exact opposite» of the Conservative party in each policy area, and no more so than in field of immigration.

Still, while all MPs do better among those who will vote for that party than those who won't, Lib Dems appear to be able to connect with non-supporters in a way that neither Labour nor Conservative MPs can.

In his book 5 Days in May, Andrew Adonis goes so far as to argue that the Liberal Democrats formed a coalition with the Conservatives rather than Labour not because of the parliamentary arithmetic was considerably better but instead because Nick Clegg and David Laws especially were ideologically closer and personally warmer to the Tories than to Labour.

Also, while the polls in the U.K. haven't been very accurate, they've tended to underestimate Conservatives rather than Labour in the past.

Fortunately, the formation of the Conservative - Liberal Democrat coalition has now given Labour a chance to reinvent itself in a more fundamental way than any since the party's formation.

But they are likely to have more power to influence a Conservative - led government than a Labour one because the Con - Lib policy preference gap is greater than the Lab - Lib one, especially on Europe.

Because of the issues raised by David Davis in the by - election, many parties other than the Conservatives, such as Labour, Liberal Democrats, United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and British National Party (BNP) chose not to stand.

One of the key patterns in last year's general election results was a tendency for those who voted Remain to swing more to Labour than those who voted Leave, while the Conservatives lost ground amongst Remain voters while advancing amongst their Leave counterparts.

They prefer Labour to the Conservatives, but would rather have David Cameron in Downing Street than Ed Miliband.

I think that Danny Alexander, Cable AND a majority of Lib Dems would think long and hard about teaming up with them — especially as all polls show the public having less confidence in Labour's ability to manage the economy than the Conservatives»

In all likelihood, next year's local election results will be less bad for Labour than this year's were, perhaps showing a Conservative lead of 10 - 15 % in terms of national equivalent vote share.

IF, and it's a big IF, there were to be a hung Parliament next time around, far better that the LibDems (and I guess this applies to the SNP, Plaid Cymru and Dr. Dick Taylor too) act as kingmakers by voting for or against the government, whether it be Labour or Conservative, * on the merits of each individual piece of legislation * than propping up some of the most loathsome, reactionary policies this side of the self - styled moral crusaders from the ear of High Thatcherism.

There are now around 325,000 members, more than the Conservative and Liberal Democrat parties put together, and more than Labour has had since 1999, when Blair was still an asset.

That is why even today if someone is from an ethnic minority, even if they are highly educated or rich, they are much more likely to vote Labour than vote Conservative.

I argued here that Conservative and Lib Dem supporters in Scotland probably would not often vote tactically for Labour because they are not much more fond of Labour than they are of the SNP.

Lord Michael Levy, a Labour member of the House of Lords (the upper house of Britain's Parliament), said in a BBC appearance that the party had a «serious problem» with anti-Semitism, adding that it seemed «more prominent» in Labour than in its rival Conservative party.