Sentences with phrase «labour than liberal»

He added: «There are of course, many more Labour than Liberal Democrat candidates in winnable marginal seats, so I've had to concentrate my cash on first - time Labour candidates, rather than ex-MPs.»

Not exact matches

, built as it was from the emerging Labour movement, any more than Labour could «strangle» the environmental movement and Green Party or the Liberal Democrats (despite your best efforts: little sign of success post-1974); or any more than the LibDems could conceivably «destroy and replace» the Labour Party in the next decade or two.

The Conservatives have received well over half of all party donations this year and far more than Labour and the Liberal Democrats combined.

At the end I go through a list of feminists, Bengali socialists and British liberals who are disillusioned by the failure of the Labour government to stand by them rather than their enemies.

Both the Liberal Democrats and Labour are steering clear of the debate, claiming they have better things to do than indulge the Tories.

The reason for this is that there are many more liberal parties in the UK Parliament than Conservative, and chances are that during motions that have to carry in parliament that need a majority conservatives will have a hard time passing laws if the Liberal Democrats, Green Party, SNP and Labour all vote against the Tories» mliberal parties in the UK Parliament than Conservative, and chances are that during motions that have to carry in parliament that need a majority conservatives will have a hard time passing laws if the Liberal Democrats, Green Party, SNP and Labour all vote against the Tories» mLiberal Democrats, Green Party, SNP and Labour all vote against the Tories» motions.

... Delight in smooth - sounding platitudes, refusal to face unpleasant facts, desire for popularity and electoral success irrespective of the vital interests of the State, genuine love of peace and pathetic belief that love can be its sole foundation, obvious lack of intellectual vigour in both leaders of the British Coalition Government, marked ignorance of Europe and aversion from its problems in Mr. Baldwin, the strong and violent pacifism which at this time dominated the Labour - Socialist Party, the utter devotion of the Liberals to sentiment apart from reality, the failure and worse than failure of Mr. Lloyd George, the erstwhile great war - time leader, to address himself to the continuity of his work, the whole supported by overwhelming majorities in both Houses of Parliament: all these constituted a picture of British fatuity and fecklessness which, though devoid of guile, was not devoid of guilt, and, though free from wickedness or evil design, played a definite part in the unleashing upon the world of horrors and miseries which, even so far as they have unfolded, are already beyond comparison in human experience.

Conservative peers are usually more socially liberal than Labour MPs.

In a bit of Fabian pluralism, and disagreement, I posted this in the Liberal Conspiracy thread, which is more about Lucas» article challenging Labour than your own Labour argument for PR.

Most Liberal Democrat activists want the party to support Labour rather than the Conservatives in government after the next general election, a poll has found.

Conservatives, Labour, and Liberal Democrats alike agreed to even stronger devolution than is now the case, with the now - permanent Scottish Parliament being given plenary powers regarding taxation and some important social issues, especially involving the operation of the modern welfare state.

In Scotland, dissolution of parliament requires a two - thirds majority — significantly higher than 55 % proposed for Westminster, and that threshold was set by Labour - Liberal coalition.

In his book 5 Days in May, Andrew Adonis goes so far as to argue that the Liberal Democrats formed a coalition with the Conservatives rather than Labour not because of the parliamentary arithmetic was considerably better but instead because Nick Clegg and David Laws especially were ideologically closer and personally warmer to the Tories than to Labour.

Over 80 % of UKIP seats came from the Tories, and the Tories lost a greater proportion of their seats to UKIP than the Liberal Democrats, while Labour lost barely any to them.

Fortunately, the formation of the Conservative - Liberal Democrat coalition has now given Labour a chance to reinvent itself in a more fundamental way than any since the party's formation.

Because of the issues raised by David Davis in the by - election, many parties other than the Conservatives, such as Labour, Liberal Democrats, United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and British National Party (BNP) chose not to stand.

Furthermore, I can't see people taking very well to the Liberal Democrats supporting a Labour government (not that that would work, since there is still liberal elements in the Liberal Democrats, notably Nick Clegg) if as seems likely less than a quarter of the population votes for Liberal Democrats supporting a Labour government (not that that would work, since there is still liberal elements in the Liberal Democrats, notably Nick Clegg) if as seems likely less than a quarter of the population votes for liberal elements in the Liberal Democrats, notably Nick Clegg) if as seems likely less than a quarter of the population votes for Liberal Democrats, notably Nick Clegg) if as seems likely less than a quarter of the population votes for Labour.

There are now around 325,000 members, more than the Conservative and Liberal Democrat parties put together, and more than Labour has had since 1999, when Blair was still an asset.

In Bromley and Enfield, Labour candidates fell short by a margin of less than the Women's Equality party votes, while in Richmond the Liberal Democrat / Green alliance saw off the Tory challenge for a second time.

Remarkably, these voters are actually clearer about the Liberal Democrats than they are about Labour.

And influential think - tanks such as the Resolution Foundation and the Social Market Foundation are now giving credence to the idea that the Liberal Democrats and the Labour Party may have more credible post-2015 deficit reduction strategies than a majority Conservative government.

But scores that BES respondents gave on 0 (strongly dislike) to 10 (strongly like) scales for each of the parties show that both Conservative and Liberal Democrat voters more strongly prefer their own party over Labour than they prefer Labour over the SNP.

So it is unsurprising that UKIP support in the polls comes much more from former Conservative voters than from Labour or the Liberal Democrats.

They were undone, however, by a collapse in the Liberal Democrat vote which meant the party lost more seats to Labour where Labour was the second - placed candidate than they gained directly from the Lib Dems where they were the challengers.

In some ways the involvement of the Liberal Democrats could ease negotiations between Labour and the SNP, perhaps in a way that would strangely make a three - party agreement easier to reach than a two - party one.

Liberal Democrats after the election: a left of centre party which should be able to work more easily with Labour than the Conservatives

In 2010, though the Conservatives did not achieve the national vote share they wanted, the party's targeting strategy meant it won 23 more Labour seats and 9 more Liberal Democrat seats than it would have done on a uniform swing.

The government is struggling to craft a motion that satisfies Liberal Democrat MPs — who in many cases owe their seats to anti-Iraq-war defections from Labour in 2005 — as well as little England Tory backbenchers who, nudged by Ukip's anti-intervention stance yesterday, fear that Nigel Farage speaks for their voters better than Cameron does.

Mike, perhaps rather than reading a couple of fringe blogs by right - libertarians (and even those don't hold the opinions you're attributing to them, but often talk about alternative economic ideas like a citizens» income) who are about as representative of mainstream Liberal Democrat thought as Tony Benn is of Labour, you should look at sites like http://socialliberal.net/, which more or less represents the mainstream of the party.

Five years ago, Welsh Labour did very well in the Welsh local elections, increasing the number of council seats they held by around 70 %; by the end of that night they had substantially more councillor in Wales than did the Conservatives, Plaid Cymru and the Liberal Democrats put together.

In short, the recent advance of the Greens, albeit less spectacular than that of the Scottish National party and Ukip, has almost certainly had the most impact on Labour and the Liberal Democrats.

Reeves was wholly wrong to say of social liberals that our principles were those of Labour rather than the Liberal Democrats.

Meanwhile commitment to parties other than Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrat has risen from one per cent to six per cent.

For example, if Labour managed to get its act together, a big «if» I know, and they put an amendment to the voting reform bill designed to introduce AV + on to a referendum question rather than AV, how will the Liberal Democrats vote?

And if it does not happen the tally of seats the SNP might fail to win would be no more than four, two of them picked up by Labour and one each by the Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats.

The piece still fails to make it clear that Liberal Conspiracy is anything other than a Labour supporting mouthpiece.

Even the Liberals lose more to UKIP than do Labour.

Historically Labour communities voted to Leave in far greater numbers than many liberal commentators assumed.

As a matter of policy, many early Labour MPs such as Will Thorne and Herbert Morrison spurned the Liberal Party's support of free trade, «frankly recognising that control over imports represented a more logical policy for a socialist government than free trade» (Pugh 2010: 29).

The sudden, synthetic fury we're seeing from the Labour party is nothing more than an attempt to distract people from the most important change coming into effect: the tax cut for ordinary working people delivered by the Liberal Democrats.

If we look at the 2010 general election results, we can see that 116 MPs (from 649 excluding the speaker) got a higher vote share than the average Conservative leader, versus 48 for the Labour leader and 277 for the Liberal Democrat leader.

Well, based on the assumption that a vote is cast in anticipation that the recipient of the vote is going to win, it seems to me that a vote cast for David Cameron or whoever is the leader of the Labour Party at the time of the election is far more likely to see a winner than any vote for the Liberal Democrats will do.

Even the Liberals lose more than Labour.

I have no doubt that Labour will oppose the coalition's cuts from the left, but I don't see how there can be any hope that Labour takes a more liberal position than the coalition, which will disappoint Sunny.

This has continued since the election as the Liberals have sacrificed many of the manifesto pledges that they used to pose themselves to the left of the Labour Party, such as the scrapping of Trident, proportional representation, an amnesty for illegal immigrants and opposition to nuclear power — the latter on which it will now abstain in any parliamentary votes rather than oppose it as its manifesto had stated.

In essence, Blair is telling big business that a sanitised Labour Party moving away from the unions and into alliance with the Liberal Democrats is a safer bet than a Tory Party which may not be able to win another general election.

According to an IFS report before the 2010 general election, [109] the Conservatives needed to find more money from cuts beyond what they had outlined than any other major party, although the report was also critical of Labour and the Liberal Democrats.

At the other end of the social spectrum to Ukip, many of the social liberals deserting the Lib Dems opted for the Greens rather than Labour.

This includes fixed terms for five years (when average time between elections has been four); the vote to dissolve parliament before calling a general election requiring 55 per cent support in the House of Commons (meaning the Liberal Democrats can not withdraw their support from the Tories and cause a general election as the Lib - Dems, Labour and other parties altogether hold less than 55 per cent of the seats); and stuffing the House of Lords with many more Conservatives and Liberals to weaken opposition there.

The results constitute mixed news for the Conservative Party — the findings are more encouraging for Tories where the Liberal Democrats are in second place than in constituencies where Labour are the main opponents.