According to the Guardian, half of Labour voters don't know the party wants to stay in.
has faced criticism after a poll last week showed that half of
Labour voters do not know where the party stands on the
Labour voters don't like Cameron but they hate Clegg.
While 81 % of Corbyn supporters self - identify as leftwing, only 15 % of potential
Labour voters do so.
But on immigration 60 % of the general public think it is a major issue, 46 % of
Labour voters do, just 17 % of Labour members do; 78 % of Labour party members think immigration is good for the economy, only 41 % of
Labour voters do, only 29 % of the general public.
Labour voters do not, of course, necessarily reflect the preferences of the Labour members and supporters who get a vote, though the previous YouGov polling of Labour party members also suggested a large lead for Corbyn.
Firstly, the latest YouGov poll shows 54 % of
Labour voters do not want Corbyn to resign compared to 35 % who do.
Labour voters do not warm to him.
most Labour voters didn't vote on the basis of Brexit - only around a fifth of surveyed Labour voters named Brexit as their most important election issue
Most Labour voters didn't prioritise Brexit - but a fifth of them did.
I have to disagree with you Robert of the view that the majority of the Labour party after 2001 didn't agree with Blairs view, as a lot of people who disagreed with Blair had left by then, rightly or wrongly but es I accept that alot of lay Labour voters didn't agree with his view but still voted Labour in 2005
Not exact matches
Opinion polls showed that
voters had opposed privatization at the outset (as
did the press and many Conservative back benchers), but the Conservatives pointed out that Tony Blair rode to victory in part by abandoning «Clause Four» of the
Labour Party's 1904 constitution, advocating state control over the means of production, distribution and exchange.
Despite his reputation for spin, Blair's book offers the fullest discussion of what New
Labour was trying to
do to change Britain, particularly his recognition that the party had to appeal to aspirational
voters (a battle that may have to be re-fought within
Labour now).
Nuttall
does this well personally, ridiculing
Labour for obsessing about issues like climate change and Palestine when their core
voters care about immigration, the NHS and jobs.
That one - in - four
Labour voters still think he is
doing a bad job is not great for Miliband, especially when you compare it to Tory
voters, 94 % of whom say Cameron is
doing a good job.
At the end of last month Ed Miliband had net personal ratings of -46 % according to YouGov with 68 % of
voters saying he is «
doing badly» as leader of the
Labour party.
He needs to get the
voters to trust
Labour with the economy again, just as Brown
did.
Both
Labour and the Conservatives have work to
do to win back the trust of Muslim
voters at this election
Not only
did the Liberal Democrats alienate left - leaning
voters by entering the coalition, but its leaders
did as much as David Cameron and George Osborne to brand
Labour as spendthrift and irresponsible — Nick Clegg by playing up the comparison between the UK and Greece, David Laws by brandishing the now - notorious note from Liam Byrne.
Instead of mucking in with the multifarious resistance movement - which, as you rightly state here,
does not require universal agreement in order to progress, that sort of Leninist thinking is weedkiller to the grassroots -
Labour is already positioning itself for the next election, terrified of
doing anything at all which might upset the few swing
voters in key marginal seats that the party has repositioned itself towards over the past twenty years.
Also, many
voters - including Leave
voters - reacted against austerity last year by voting for
Labour, but the Tories have
done little to change course on this and may now decide they don't need to.
Does Ed Miliband honestly expect
voters to derive
Labour's economic policy from his list of cuts that he wouldn't make?
More telling could be results coming in from Stockport and Salford, where Leave are expected to
do well among traditional
Labour voters.
One Remain
voter told us: «I don't think the
Labour Party has a priority for Brexit... maybe nuclear disarmament?!»
It's true that
Labour does plan to make substantial cuts and there is a risk of losing votes to the Greens, although once again Bennett's performance was unimpressive and unlikely to appeal to mainstream
voters.
Only by positioning itself as the party of efficiency, spending cuts where necessary and value for money can
Labour turn on the Tories and ask
voters: now that we have slimmed down the state,
do you want the Tories to cut the basics, too?
Lots of stuff about the centre ground of politics and the «squeezed middle», which says to me he's going for the same few thousand swing
voters that Blair and New
Labour did, and forget about the rest of us.
Well I suspect if David
does win the
Labour party will be the losers, it Ed wins I'm not sure but he is a child of new labour and more then likely will do his best to form an alliance to get back those nasty swing voters and a few Thatcherite voters still not sure of Ca
Labour party will be the losers, it Ed wins I'm not sure but he is a child of new
labour and more then likely will do his best to form an alliance to get back those nasty swing voters and a few Thatcherite voters still not sure of Ca
labour and more then likely will
do his best to form an alliance to get back those nasty swing
voters and a few Thatcherite
voters still not sure of Cameron.
Ms Cooper, who confirmed she would run in a column for the Daily Mirror, said
Labour had lost the election because the party
did not show
voters it «had the answers to match up with their ambitions».
He can either make clear to his supporters that there will be no return to the days of lavish spending, or he can fight an election knowing that most
voters do not believe
Labour have learned their lessons, and that many of his potential
voters fear
Labour would once again borrow and spend more than the country can afford.
Labour does need to «TERRIFY»
voters its the only way to regain people surport.
Yet, if our analysis is even close to being right, the
voters of the North West will play a leading role in denying
Labour a majority in 2015 — just as they
did with the Conservatives in 2010.
What this
does highlight however is a broader issue: the
Labour leadership are aware of all the above but there is no simple answer because
voters themselves are contradictory.
But although most
Labour voters backed us we
did not convince millions of natural
Labour voters especially in those parts of the country left behind.
But we didn't anticipate that the Tories would be much better at tempting back Tory - > UKIP
voters than
Labour - > UKIP
voters.
«If we
do not move beyond this to offer a new agenda,
voters will not turn out for
Labour.»
And how
does its view compare with that of swing
voters, who supported
Labour in previous elections but
did not vote for Gordon Brown?
Along with the shadow chancellor, Ed Balls, Reeves represents a northern seat and believes the party has to
do more to recognise key
Labour voters» concerns about immigration and welfare.
A further 10 % of all
voters are
Labour Considerers, who would not vote
Labour tomorrow, but may
do so in future.
The government is struggling to craft a motion that satisfies Liberal Democrat MPs — who in many cases owe their seats to anti-Iraq-war defections from
Labour in 2005 — as well as little England Tory backbenchers who, nudged by Ukip's anti-intervention stance yesterday, fear that Nigel Farage speaks for their
voters better than Cameron
does.
He argues that to win the next election, Ed Miliband needs to make clear to his supporters that there will be no return to the days of lavish spending, or fight an election knowing that most
voters do not believe
Labour have learned their lessons, and that many of his potential
voters fear
Labour would once again borrow and spend more than the country can afford.
Meanwhile, those within the party who see themselves as Blue
Labour think that not enough is being
done to address the concerns of the party's own
voters on issues such as immigration.
Doesn't look like Tory support is based solely on David Cameron, but, just as
Labour's support, on
voters» views that the Tories will be better able to take care of the issues they care about.
Polling expert Peter Kellner commented «The figures
do not support the argument that
Labour paid a heavy price this year for neglecting its core
voters; rather they tell us something far bigger about long - term trends and what
Labour needs to
do to regain power».
(The fact that this is often said by people who both regard themselves as working class and voted Conservative at the last election probably says as much about the strength of the
Labour brand as it
does about the caprice of
voters).
#BESFactCheck data suggests that most
voters do not support a coalition — 56 % of
voters would prefer to see either a Conservative or
Labour majority government to either of them being involved in another coalition.
I wrote earlier this year that pessimism about the UK economy could be
Labour's biggest problem in 2015, because
voters may simply think
Labour can not
do any better.
Fundamentally, squeezed middle
voters do not think that
Labour is on their side.
He warned they would all become vulnerable in 2015 if nothing is
done quickly to win over support from
Labour's tactical
voters.
The appearance of Blair and Brown so close together (Blair on Friday, Brown sometime in the next two months) will reinforce the continuity of the
Labour government in
voters» minds - something
Labour strategists could
do without in a country where the very concept of «change» is becoming increasingly attractive.