Sentences with phrase «labour voters in seats»

He said the shift involved a Tory tendency to win in marginal seats and a greater distribution of Labour voters in seats where it was pipped by third parties, adding: «It is these last two things which has turned a system that once looked as if it was to the advantage of Labour to the Tories» advantage, and there is a boundary review to come.

It occurs that I should probably source that - Observer, 23 Dec 2007, column by Denis MacShane entitled «An open letter to Nick Clegg»: «Before the 2001 election, I urged Labour voters in seats where Lib - Dem candidates were best placed to beat off Conservatives to vote tactically.

Ukip sensed a chance at victory among the disaffected Labour voters in the seat, which in various guises has been Labour for the past 50 years, ever since housing estates were built to relocate thousands of poor residents from central Manchester back in the early 1960s.

Not exact matches

She challenged analysis that talked up Labour success at the election pointing out that the Conservatives piled on voters in many northern seats that had voted Leave, among older voters and among the working class.

It essentially became pointless with the introduction of FPTP for all seats, before that many seats used Block Voting and there were alliance slates in places (in some, Liberals, Nat Libs and Cons all put up one candidate each to LAbour's two; evidence was a lot of Lib voters supported Labour with second vote, but Tory and Nat Lib voters split all over the place).

Were an individual Gloucestershire voter given up to seven votes to distribute as s / he saw fit, it is of course impossible to know whether this would lead to seven Conservative MPs returned (as was the case in the 2015 election), or a mixture of parties (in 2005 the seats were split three Conservative, two Labour and two Liberal Democrat).

Instead of mucking in with the multifarious resistance movement - which, as you rightly state here, does not require universal agreement in order to progress, that sort of Leninist thinking is weedkiller to the grassroots - Labour is already positioning itself for the next election, terrified of doing anything at all which might upset the few swing voters in key marginal seats that the party has repositioned itself towards over the past twenty years.

While a majority of Labour voters backed Remain in the referendum, swathes of seats in the north and Midlands voted emphatically for Brexit.

The Survation poll commissioned by Unite union found the Lib Dems are on just 23 % behind Labour on 33 % in the seat, when voters were asked about their constituency vote.

Over the weekend, Alexander, the beleaguered Lib Dem MP and Chief Secretary to the Treasury, openly urged Tory and Labour voters in his Highland's seat to support his bid to hold it against an insurgent Scottish National party challenger, Highlands council leader Drew Hendry.

This would have the added benefit of lessening the importance of the million voters in marginal, Middle England seats, whose power to swing elections has led Labour to pander excessively to their centre - right views.

The government is struggling to craft a motion that satisfies Liberal Democrat MPs — who in many cases owe their seats to anti-Iraq-war defections from Labour in 2005 — as well as little England Tory backbenchers who, nudged by Ukip's anti-intervention stance yesterday, fear that Nigel Farage speaks for their voters better than Cameron does.

Around 2m Labour voters are believed to have voted for Leave, and Leave won in 70 % of Labour MPs» seats.

In these seats the ground campaign looks quite even, if not exactly intense: 15 % of voters said they had heard locally from Labour, and 14 % from UKIP.

Lisa Nandy, the MP for Wigan, warned that losing ground in Bolton, Dudley and her own seat of Wigan underlined the fact that Labour's message was failing to appeal to voters in towns where years of job losses had eroded the sense of community.

The answer to why UKIP are doing well in Labour seats but are unlikely to win these seats is that there are still a lot of Conservative voters in Labour seats (25 % of the vote in 2010 on average) and many of these are 2010 Labour defectors.

The 1990s electoral tactic of announcing drastic future expenditure targets and forcing Labour to accept or reject them is designed for an electoral battleground for the swing voters in the marginal seats in contention between Labour and the Conservatives, almost all of which are in England.

Again, while the SNP has gained many votes and seats, hundreds of thousands of Scottish Liberal Democratic, Conservative and Labour voters have no representation in Scotland — apparently denying a voice in parliament to the Scottish unionist position.

As for whether the by - election should be happening at all, three quarters of voters in the seat (including a majority of Labour voters) think Phil Woolas «did make false statements about his opponents and this probably affected the result», so rerunning the election was the right decision.

This was first explained in my North Norfolk prediction and my current version assumes that residual UKIP voters will split 2:1 between the Conservatives & Labour in seats where UKIP have stood down.

Some voters may also hear a patronising message to the effect that they are too dim to understand the consequences of their vote — and many live in seats where UKIP present the only prospect of removing a sitting Labour MP.

In poorer northern England urban seats such as Redcar and Hull, disaffected working - class voters deserted the Lib Dems as the local opposition to Labour, opting instead for Ukip.

By mid-November, in its key seats, Labour had contacted over 15,000 voters per constituency, 21 % on average.

In Labour's safest seat in the country at the 2010 election, 28 % of voters still supported other partieIn Labour's safest seat in the country at the 2010 election, 28 % of voters still supported other partiein the country at the 2010 election, 28 % of voters still supported other parties.

The aspirational voters of suburban England — middle - class seats with falling unemployment and rising incomes — swung behind the Cameron - Osborne «long - term economic plan», while Ukip surged in seats with large concentrations of poorer, white working - class English nationalists, many of whom sympathised with Labour's economic message but not the people delivering it.

You're told that your seat, which you only just managed to win last time, has just taken in three weighty wards packed with Labour voters.

Crosby's realisation that Lib Dem seats could be taken and that voters in those constituencies were persuadable, especially when the polls indicated a Labour majority supported by the SNP, to vote Conservative.

The British Election Study found that Labour gained more Leave voters from other parties than it lost to the Tories, including 18 percent of 2015 Ukip voters - a proportion that must have been lower in safe Tory seats, but correspondingly higher in the safe Labour heartlands where scooping up Ukip voters was the Tories» entire strategy for success.

Many Labour candidates, particularly in northern seats away from the major cities, say Corbyn's leadership is still problematic among some groups of voters, and the most pessimistic believe May could still secure a much - increased majority of 80 to 100.

One of the ideas I didn't have space for here was a Labour Country pressure group within Labour, perhaps with a seat on the NEC, pressing the priorities of Labour voters in the country.

The boundary changes haven't made a vast difference to the seat directly, although there may be more Labour voters in the newly added part of the seat.

As the BBC's political research editor, David Cowling, points out, in Labour's safest seat in the country at the 2010 election, 28 % of voters still supported other parties.

Labour voters put us over the top in a series of seats won from the Conservatives in 1997 and 2001.

We now represent a swathe of seats in university towns where middle class Labour voters were won over by our policy on tuition fees and our uncompromising internationalism on Iraq.

expressed his anxiety to me that wobbly Labour voters may go Lib Dem in places they couldn't possibly win, accidentally gifting those seats to the Tories.

BME voters are more likely to live in safe Labour seats where there may not be an active Conservative Party and statistically they are over-represented in lower socio - economic groups, so you would expect them to be more likely to vote Labour.

The existence of the dossier appears to be confirmation that Labour sympathisers fear Mr Bailey's appeal amongst the large number of black voters in the Hammersmith seat.

That's the reason why we were hit so hard in 97, Labour and LD voters going tactical made the result in terms of seats look a lot worse for us.

In Lib Dem target seats Labour voters were far more likely to vote tactically against the Conservatives than against the Liberals by a margin of about 4 - 1.

In the last few weeks I have polled nearly 13,000 voters in the 40 Conservative seats with the smallest majorities: 32 of which the party is defending against Labour, and eight where the Liberal Democrats came second in 201In the last few weeks I have polled nearly 13,000 voters in the 40 Conservative seats with the smallest majorities: 32 of which the party is defending against Labour, and eight where the Liberal Democrats came second in 201in the 40 Conservative seats with the smallest majorities: 32 of which the party is defending against Labour, and eight where the Liberal Democrats came second in 201in 2010.

He's recognised that the opportunities now are against Labour, in seats where the Cons are third place and the voters just as fed up with Brown as anywhere else, and looking for someone else to vote for.

In contrast to Lib Dem voters, when Labour voters in such seats were asked about tactical voting were still far more likely to vote Lib Dem to keep out the Tories than vice-versIn contrast to Lib Dem voters, when Labour voters in such seats were asked about tactical voting were still far more likely to vote Lib Dem to keep out the Tories than vice-versin such seats were asked about tactical voting were still far more likely to vote Lib Dem to keep out the Tories than vice-versa.

So, while voters in the Speaker's seat do usually have the opportunity to opt for an alternative candidate, this is curtailed by the lack of choice on offer: since 1987 Labour, the Tories and the Lib Dems have all neglected to oppose a sitting Speaker.

It was actually 62 % of labour voters voted to remain, and the labour vote, in 2015 was made up of many people who'd voted Libdem, or greens in 2010, labour having lost several of its supporters who'd voted for us in 2010 when Gordon was leader, and many who'd voted labour since the 60's, not voting for us for the first time, but the fact was, with our Scittish and inner London, Manchester, Liverpool vote, voting for us so heavily, ball areas called our heartlands, and Scotland aside, areas we increased our votes in, at the last election, without catching those swing seats, meant that many of our traditional areas Sunderland & Wales saw our core vote, massively vote leave,

Mrs Smith is a Conservative voter, but living in a safe Labour seat doesn't see much of her local MP.

«Research has shown that in this seat any mention of local issues will push voters to Labour.

The Tories may do well in the south of England, where they're fighting marginal seats against the Liberal Democrats — fleeing Lib Dem voters will go to Labour, which should translate into safer Tory seats — but it's in the north of England and the East Midlands where there are many Conservative MPs hanging onto their seats against Labour challengers.

In fact a whopping 22 % of Labour voters in those marginal seats said they were willing to vote for the Lib Dems to keep David Cameron out of No 1In fact a whopping 22 % of Labour voters in those marginal seats said they were willing to vote for the Lib Dems to keep David Cameron out of No 1in those marginal seats said they were willing to vote for the Lib Dems to keep David Cameron out of No 10.

According to Comres, 56 % of SNP voters in Labour - held seats say their desire for independence is one of two main reasons they are now backing the nationalists, with 35 % saying that «Labour no longer represents people like me» and 30 % saying «the other parties have broken promises on devolution.»

Labour targets Corby, Croydon Central, Plymouth Moor View, Morley and Outwood, Derby North, Gower, Thurrock and Telford all have smaller Conservative majorities than the additional number of voters since 2015 - although in these seats, with much smaller student populations and in some cases many elderly voters, other factors are likely to play a far bigger role in determining the outcome.