As Chancellor, he raised huge sums and borrowed yet more in order to build a client state of tame
Labour voters on the public payroll — whether as employees or claimants.
«The Dukakis strategy» — of painting Ed Miliband as remote from
Labour voters on issues like immigration, welfare and crime — seems intuitively right to me.
He acknowledges that Corbyn faces a difficult challenge appealing to
Labour voters on both sides of the Brexit fence.
Not exact matches
Labour's candidate Christian Wolmar reported that Goldsmith's behaviour during the mayoral election was regularly raised by
voters on the doorstep.
No wonder Scots and many other
Labour - inclined
voters gave up
on the party.
Labour are languishing
on 25 %, while 42 % of
voters said they would back the Tories if an election was held tomorrow.
The
Labour leader believes he is
on the verge of power - but
voters deserve answers about his approach to Russia
Supping
on a coffee, he explains that the
Labour London election drive started in earnest some 18 months ago and that no
voters are out of bounds.
All of this means that Cameron finds himself in a fairly tricky position, having to rely
on mobilising Remain votes from large numbers of people who voted against him last May while hoping that the leader of the
Labour Party will actually stand up and make a direct and unequivocal plea for
voters to keep Britain in the EU.
The winner becomes the one who can minimise the damage: Cameron by pouring scorn
on Labour's record, the opposition by reminding
voters of the pain of spending cuts.
Emerging serious divisions within the
Labour Party and his strategy of positioning the party
on the hard left will not play well with swing
voters.
A recent YouGov poll broadcast
on Newsnight last week, provided compelling evidence of a national and non-partisan dislike of banking, with no variation between
Labour, Liberal Democrat and Tory
voters.
What all this fuss over Clegg's overtures to
Labour shows is that journalists and
voters alike still haven't realised quite how desperate the Lib Dems are to cling
on to power.
She challenged analysis that talked up
Labour success at the election pointing out that the Conservatives piled
on voters in many northern seats that had voted Leave, among older
voters and among the working class.
Scottish Tories currently campaigning for local government elections
on May 4th tell stories about encountering long - standing
Labour voters in local authority areas not exactly known for being friendly to Conservatives and who now declare their intention to vote for «Ruth» and the Tories.
Labour's problem is that its line
on this is quite fuzzy and confusing, largely because its target
voters are split straight down the middle
on the issue.
You could be
on the doorstep and say something about a policy and a
voter would agree, but then say «But we're
Labour».
Furthermore,
Labour's extraordinary abandonment of its core
voters as it takes
on the mantle of the politically correct new left means
Labour votes across the North of England are up for grabs.
While senior
Labour politicians seem to feel comfortable speaking to pro-EU middle - class
voters who have seen the visible gains of EU membership, they have little to say to Eurosceptic working - class
voters who have suffered
on the other end.
This would give the
voter the choice: perhaps s / he would seek support from a Conservative
on a matter relating to local business, a
Labour member
on the NHS and a UKIP representative
on immigration.
This analysis confirms what we might have anticipated from the evidence of the polls — local authorities appear to contain more Leave
voters if there was a large vote for UKIP there in the 2014 European elections, if there was a small vote for parties of the «left» (
Labour, Liberal Democrats, Scottish and Welsh Nationalists and Greens)
on the same occasion, and in places with relatively low proportions of graduates, young people, and people from an ethnic minority background.
It is safe
Labour territory, but even here Ukip is expected to capitalise
on strong support among working class
voters in the C2DE category to come in second, ahead of the Conservatives.
Labour lost because they: a) broke manifold electoral promises b) lied shamelessly to the people and parliament c) engaged in industrial - scale corruption and lame cover - up d) wilfully enraged their newest supporters e) eschewed democracy at every opportunity f) treated the electorate like idiots g) alienated a vast constituency of
voters with strong personal interest in the well - being of our servicemen h) inherited the most benign of economies and recklessly maxed out the public debt i) devoted inordinate time and effort to policies based
on immature class war antics j) engaged in open internal dissent while being too cowardly to take any definitive action k) offered a wholly negative electoral campaign Unless confidence is restored in these areas,
Labour will continue to be despised.
In that same month, our poll for the Independent
on Sunday found that, while 39 per cent of
voters agreed that «The NHS would be safer under
Labour than the Conservatives», 47 per cent disagreed.
Tim Farron heaped praise
on Tony Blair today as he called
on disaffected
Labour voters to ditch their party and join the Lib Dems.
His shaky strategic vision remains uncertain and may not show up before polling day at all, hitting
voters» confidence in him but also the effectiveness of
Labour supporters
on the doorstep.
The attitude of most core
Labour voters to the
Labour Party probably could not be published
on here.
In a recently published paper, we show that an important part of the explanation is that the Social Democrats have become unable to reconcile the demands of two groups of
voters that have traditionally sup - ported them:
on the one hand
labour market «outsiders,» who have insecure jobs or no jobs at all;
on the other hand
labour market «insiders» with stable employment.
Most of whose votes were anti
Labour / Conservative Politics, so many are based
on lies, and there is no line whatsoever to excluding the the
voter from the governing process.
It seems odd that the
Labour Party would choose this issue, of all things,
on which to be so totally inflexible and to pick a fight with its
voters.
In his speech, the former prime minister says: «From now until 10 pm
on 23 June, we will not rest and I will not stop explaining why nine million
Labour voters have most to gain from remaining in the EU.
But the structure of
Labour's plans for rail renationalisation and caps
on fare increases stand to benefit relatively well - off
voters in the south east — a group not generally seen as core to
Labour's welfare efforts.
Tradition has it that rain is supposed to mean a low turnout by
Labour voters, a truism that set us
on edge when it became clear that all polling stations were reporting that turnout was unusually high.
What
Labour needs is a new social democratic revisionism, that heavily focuses
on restructuring the welfare state, to unite communitarian and cosmopolitan
voters, in an era of globalization, high inequalities, increased demands for choice, and an ageing population This requires applying the principles of solidarity, reciprocity and individual empowerment, in relation to reforming the welfare state, to make it more effective at tackling poverty and providing economic security, and to satisfy rising demands for choice.
For middle class
voters to be backing the
Labour manifesto isn't a total shock - it protected 95 % of people from tax rises whilst spending big
on schools and the NHS - but for them to vote for Corbyn is a much bigger deal.
Cat Smith's suggestion that demographics are
on Labour's side — because individuals turning 18 are statistically likely to be leftwing, whereas Tory
voters are mainly pensioners — was greeted with derision, but I was sat
on that same panel and it wasn't the only thing she said.
Indeed,
Labour gained some seats without even canvassing last year, such was the level of enthusiasm among
voters based
on little more than viral Facebook videos and a pledge to build a fairer Britain.
Labour's focus
on campaigning
on rail fares, then, is essentially a policy offer based around political popularity which would benefit better - off
voters, possibly in marginal constituencies.
Firstly that they see this as an opportunity to increase their majority at the expense of
Labour and UKIP both of which are now in rather awkward positions and secondly that the current leadership has inherited a bit of an awkward position themselves in that they are committed to a process which is both diplomatically and politically potentially very difficult and dangerous and if it all goes horribly wrong they are really out
on a limb so if they get a fresh mandate they can at least blame the
voters.
If I'd have been
on your side would have made this about Cameron much more, that would have helped with
Labour voters.
Also, many
voters - including Leave
voters - reacted against austerity last year by voting for
Labour, but the Tories have done little to change course
on this and may now decide they don't need to.
Such testing might have helped to close down
Labour's main line of attack
on the idea: that hard - pressed
voters, struggling to juggle family and work, would be expected to take
on further burdens that politicians themselves should shoulder.»
Of course,
Labour has calculated that it must move slowly and ambiguously in order to keep all its flanks (and
voters)
on - side - which has occasionally proved frustrating and obfuscatory.
This makes the focus of Jeremy Corbyn's
Labour party
on rail fares somewhat confusing: Corbyn's supporters and detractors alike agree he has shifted the party to the left, to concentrate
on the party's «real»
voters and issues.
Now, with
Labour scrambling around trying to find a way to win back
voters, you are just as likely to hear someone
on the left talking about cutting back benefits or the need to limit immigration as you are a Conservative or right - wing paper.
The Survation poll commissioned by Unite union found the Lib Dems are
on just 23 % behind
Labour on 33 % in the seat, when
voters were asked about their constituency vote.
He denied the party would make it easier for
Labour to win in 2015 and therefore deny
voters a referendum
on membership of the European Union.
Balls has also run three marathons and learned to play the piano while
on the
Labour frontbench, as well as becoming chairman of Norwich City FC and turning his hand to writing about cooking since rejection by the
voters of Morley & Outwood.
It puts Ukip
on 29 %, narrowly ahead of
Labour on 27 % and the Conservatives
on 26 %, among male
voters.
Secondly, Ken is not only
on the
Labour NEC, he still retains a lot of popularity within the party and amongst independent
voters.