Sentences with phrase «labour votes in parliament»

Not exact matches

The reason for this is that there are many more liberal parties in the UK Parliament than Conservative, and chances are that during motions that have to carry in parliament that need a majority conservatives will have a hard time passing laws if the Liberal Democrats, Green Party, SNP and Labour all vote against the Tories»Parliament than Conservative, and chances are that during motions that have to carry in parliament that need a majority conservatives will have a hard time passing laws if the Liberal Democrats, Green Party, SNP and Labour all vote against the Tories»parliament that need a majority conservatives will have a hard time passing laws if the Liberal Democrats, Green Party, SNP and Labour all vote against the Tories» motions.

The Mail on Sunday reports that both Conservative and Labour MPs are for the deal and intend to vote for it in parliament in the new year.

What I don't really see is how the Labour party holding three pilots in this Parliament, or even selecting all of its candidates in some form of primary at the next election or the time after would make any really significant difference to arguments for or against first - past - the - post, the Alternative Vote, AV +, AMS, STV and various hybrids thereof.

This group of voters became dissatisfied with the Westminster government during the Thatcher era, felt forgotten by New Labour, and voted Scottish Nationalist Party (SNP) en - masse in the 2011 Scottish Parliament election.

«Parliament, including the Labour party front bench, voted overwhelmingly to trigger Article 50 and did so in the knowledge that there would be a meaningful vote in both Houses,» a Tory spokesperson said.

Although Birmingham itself voted in favour of Labour's Sion Simon, the result was closer than you would expect for a city that currently sends only one Tory out of ten MPs to Parliament.

If the Liberal Democrats can ensure that their party structures operate so as to allow a clear voice to come through, they have every chance of putting forward a distinctive manifesto at the next election - one that will, in all likelihood, put it closer to a reformed Labour Party, should the Alternative Vote deliver another hung parliament.

The Green party may not emerge from the general election with more representation in parliament but it is on course to win its highest - ever vote — and it will be Labour and the Liberal Democrats who feel its impact the most.

The 66 Labour MPs who voted with the Government on the main motion to support «taking military action, specifically airstrikes, exclusively against ISIL in Syria» represented well under a third of the 231 current Labour members of Parliament.

[1] More generally, the key voters are Labour supporters who are voting in the local / devolved parliament elections and who aren't interested in electoral reform.

The SNP is now a leading political force at Scottish Parliament level, while Labour have generally have the upper hand in all past Westminster elections, despite the increase in the SNP vote in recent years.

Harper voted against all the reform options in the last parliament when Jack Straw made a late attempt in the final years of the Labour government to burnish its reformist credentials.

Almost inevitably, those who voted Labour in 2011 particularly react adversely to the former prospect, Conservatives to the latter, while in both cases they are joined in switching towards Yes by some voters who did not vote at the last Scottish Parliament election.

Again, while the SNP has gained many votes and seats, hundreds of thousands of Scottish Liberal Democratic, Conservative and Labour voters have no representation in Scotland — apparently denying a voice in parliament to the Scottish unionist position.

Held by Labour's Elaine Murray, she is standing again in 2016, defending a majority of 3170 votes and 9.9 % despite having offered to stand down for then party leader Jim Murphy so he could be elected to the Scottish parliament.

Mr Clegg condemned Labour's actions, but told the Commons: «My hope is that we will return to this in the next parliament, emboldened by the historic second reading vote.

In the 2004 local elections their share of the vote was 29 % (placing them second, ahead of Labour)[145] and 14.9 % in the simultaneous European Parliament elections (putting them in fourth place behind the UK Independence PartyIn the 2004 local elections their share of the vote was 29 % (placing them second, ahead of Labour)[145] and 14.9 % in the simultaneous European Parliament elections (putting them in fourth place behind the UK Independence Partyin the simultaneous European Parliament elections (putting them in fourth place behind the UK Independence Partyin fourth place behind the UK Independence Party).

This includes fixed terms for five years (when average time between elections has been four); the vote to dissolve parliament before calling a general election requiring 55 per cent support in the House of Commons (meaning the Liberal Democrats can not withdraw their support from the Tories and cause a general election as the Lib - Dems, Labour and other parties altogether hold less than 55 per cent of the seats); and stuffing the House of Lords with many more Conservatives and Liberals to weaken opposition there.

There is now a Tory Prime Minister with a majority in Parliament with the lowest share of the popular vote ever, who presided over the longest decline in living standards, yet Labour lost seats.

Such new MPs will begin to rebel in time, as did most of the 1997 intake, but by the end of the 1997 parliament, after a full four years, only 28 % of the newly - elected Labour MPs had voted against their whips.

I don't put much store in opinion polls, but if true it would only indicate roughly what you would expect to happen at this point in the parliament - 32 % isn't that much lower than Labour got in the 2005 General Election and all it would suggest is that the Liberal Democrats are having a reversal - tactical voting could see them holding onto many of their current seats, indeed it is even possible that if they got 17 % of the vote that if it focused in an area that they could actually end up with more seats, where the switches in support are occuring is crucial - if they are focused then if the Conservative Party were to get 39 % then it might still result in them getting fewer seats than Labour or in extremis winning a 150 seat majority or so?

I have no doubt that the Conservative Party will make major gains in votes and seats in the next 10 years that will build to their return to power ultimately, but they are a long way off actually winning a majority and it has to be said that a Hung Parliament now looks more improbable than at any time since 2001, demographic factors are working against the Conservative Party as well - Labour seats mostly are held with far lower turnouts which is partly why Labour can get fewer votes than the Conservatives and end up with an overall majority and far more seats than the Conservative Party.

Conservative MPs are currently rebelling less often than Labour MPs (in around 11 % of divisions in the first three sessions of the 2005 parliament, less than half the rate on the government benches) and they are doing so in smaller numbers; although a slightly larger proportion of Conservative parliamentarians has rebelled compared to Labour, few have cast more than a handful of dissenting votes, and even the most rebellious would not find themselves high up the PLP's league table of troublemakers.

If they can vote in Scottish elections, the Welsh Assembly will follow suit (although perhaps not so the Northern Ireland Assembly), and, with many Labour MPs already supporting the concept, Parliament will have to reduce the voting age to 16 for there to be any conherence in British elections.

However, responses such as «English votes on English laws» could provide the party with an inbuilt majority on all «domestic» issues within Parliament, which will clearly be unpalatable to Labour who until 1997 relied on Scottish MPs to form a majority in the House.

The seat is unchanged for the next election, meaning that Richard requires a swing of 7 % to oust the Secretary of State for Scotland (in the equivalent seat at the 2007 Scottish Parliament election, the Conservatives were only 891 votes behind Labour).

52 % of the public voted for either the Liberal Democrats or Labour, almost 56 % if the votes of all progressive parties in Parliament are combined.

Pritchard was first elected to parliament for The Wrekin constituency in 2005, defeating Peter Bradley, the incumbent Labour MP, by just 942 votes although this represented a 5.4 % swing from Labour to Conservative.

In a supplementary question to 326 members in Liberal Democrat - held seats / councils we asked; «Do you agree that «a vote for the Liberal Democrats could produce a hung parliament and keep Labour in power» is the best line of attack in Lib / Con marginals?&raquIn a supplementary question to 326 members in Liberal Democrat - held seats / councils we asked; «Do you agree that «a vote for the Liberal Democrats could produce a hung parliament and keep Labour in power» is the best line of attack in Lib / Con marginals?&raquin Liberal Democrat - held seats / councils we asked; «Do you agree that «a vote for the Liberal Democrats could produce a hung parliament and keep Labour in power» is the best line of attack in Lib / Con marginals?&raquin power» is the best line of attack in Lib / Con marginals?&raquin Lib / Con marginals?»

The same concern about Returning Officers wanting to delay the counting of votes has now arisen with regard to the Scottish Parliament elections taking place in May, and Labour tabled an amendment to the Scotland Bill in the Commons on Monday seeking to give Returning Officers the same duty with respect to Holyrood elections as for Westminster elections.

While they had yet to become electable as a government, they underlined their growing reputation as a worthwhile alternative to Labour and Conservative, offering plenty of debate in parliament and not just representing a protest vote.

In the 1964 general election, the Conservative candidate in Smethwick, Peter Griffiths, stood for parliament with the aid of the most offensive slogan of the modern political era: «If you want a n ** ger for a neighbour, vote Labour.&raquIn the 1964 general election, the Conservative candidate in Smethwick, Peter Griffiths, stood for parliament with the aid of the most offensive slogan of the modern political era: «If you want a n ** ger for a neighbour, vote Labour.&raquin Smethwick, Peter Griffiths, stood for parliament with the aid of the most offensive slogan of the modern political era: «If you want a n ** ger for a neighbour, vote Labour.»

My own guess is that Cammo will concede a PR referendum, because the electorate will vote it down (and if it looks risky he can put in a turnout threshhold as Labour did on a Scottish Parliament in 1978 - 9).

«We must not try to re-fight the referendum or push for a second vote and if Article 50 needs to be triggered in parliament Labour will not seek to block or delay it,» he said.

It is worth noting that Andrew Smith, the Labour candidate, is one of the small number of Labour MPs who voted for a referendum on PR in the last parliament.

As for the Labour Party being indecisive, there were only 154 Labour MPs left in Parliament after the election rout of November 1935, which the Conservatives had won with more than half the total votes cast, an outcome that is difficult to quibble about.

Further, once in parliament the Greens are more likely to vote with Labour policy than the Conservatives would be.

While some left - wing propositions command 40 % support or more — easily enough to provide a majority in Parliament if they all voted Labour — only 16 % regard themselves as «very» or «fairly» left - wing.

On an equal amount of votes — 34.5 % a piece — the Conservatives would have almost fifty seats more than Labour, Labour would need to have a lead of about four points over the Conservatives just to get the most seats in a hung Parliament.

I am convinced that it is down to the good work of many Labour MPs in the previous Parliament, objecting to a full blown version of PR, which prevented Gordon Brown from pursing complete destruction of our voting system.

No ifs, no buts: voting Labour and maximising our position in Parliament is the best way to stop Theresa May's hard Brexit.

(67 % voted Labour, Lib Dem or Plaid) In both Scotland & Wales the tories fare even worse at local council level and in regional Assembly / ParliamenIn both Scotland & Wales the tories fare even worse at local council level and in regional Assembly / Parliamenin regional Assembly / Parliament.

«There is an inconvenient truth, which is that the fuel duty rises that the right hon. Gentleman refers to are the ones put in place by the Labour Government, which he and any Labour Member who was in the previous Parliament voted for.

Labour were ahead in voting intention throughout most of the last Parliament, but were behind on economic competence and leadership, which are normally seen as important drivers of voting intention (the ultimate explanation of this apparent paradox was, of course, that the voting intention polls were wrong).

The donations were given discreetly over the last two months but, due to be made public in the normal way by the Electoral Commission shortly, are also intended to encourage voters to think, vote tactically and elect a reforming parliament with a «Labour - led government headed by Ed Miliband as prime minister».

Leanne Wood has made a pitch for the votes of former Labour supporters against a backdrop of Ukip by - election victories and the possibility of a hung parliament at Westminster in May.

Despite Thurrock being seen, for Essex, as good Labour territory — it has after all only returned a Conservative MP for one Parliament in 1987 - 92 — it is noticeable that on the doorstep the Labour vote is in freefall.

Mr Carswell previously secured the Clacton seat in 2010 with a majority of 12,068 votes over Labour's Ivan Henderson, having first being elected to Parliament in 2005 in the Harwich seat.

To get our predicted vote share (shown in the bottom line) we added a correcting effect of -1 per cent each to the vote share of the top three parties (UKIP, Labour and the Conservatives)-- this controls for the impact of the very large and long European Parliament ballot papers.

And Labour voters in Thanet South will have to decide which is worse — holding their nose and voting Conservative or being represented in parliament by Nigel Farage.