Orwin goes on to say that Liberal Democracy doesn't work like that in practice because it actually assumes a particular conception of the good: «For so long as you observe prevailing liberal democratic norms on all fundamental social questions, you're free in merely secondary matters to continue in the ways of your ancestors.»
What this would suggest is that
liberal democracies do not fight each other because they are part of the inner circle of an international society.
The main argument, of course, stipulates that
liberal democracies do not engage in wars against each other.
And yet, Ferris continued, «
liberal democracy did succeed and is today the stated preference of the majority of the world's peoples, including both those who live in democratic nations and those who don't.»
Most liberal democracies don't try to figure out what the truth is.
Not exact matches
You get no good intelligence, while what you
do get is decidedly bad, including a corrosion of the legitimacy of security agencies and a weakening of the foundation of
liberal democracy itself.
Trump
does not believe in
liberal democracy and his voters
do not believe in
liberal democracy, and that makes the
liberal press part of the opposition.
To the extent that full - blooded socialism is returning to compete with
liberal democracy for the allegiance of modern persons, it
does so in populist garb — and in the future, its....
modern day europe:
liberal democracies accept poor people from muslim countries, and what
do they want to
do?
Soviet spies were of the left generally, they supported
liberal causes, they defended the Soviet Union in all circumstances, they were often secret members of the Communist Party, they were uniformly suspicious of American initiatives throughout the world, they could be contemptuous of American
democracy, society, and culture, and, above all, their offenses were often minimized or explained away by apologists who felt that no man should be called traitor who
did what he
did for the cause of humanity.
By virtue of the fact that
liberal democracy is an association of communities, each of which has its own vision of God and the good, rather than itself being the highest institutional expression of one such community, it
does indeed operate without a common substantive conception of the good.
The form of argument in this presentation has emphasized several specific points: first, that the Asian values argument, as a challenge to the implementation of constitutional
democracy, is exaggerated and fails to account for the richness of values discourse in the East Asian region - local values
do not provide a justification for harsh authoritarian practices; second, that the cultural prerequisites arguments fail because they ignore the discursive processes for value development and they are tautological, excessively deterministic and ignore the importance of human agency it, therefore, makes little sense to take an entry test for constitutional
democracy; third, the difficulties of importing Western communitarian ideas into an East Asian authoritarian environment without adequate
liberal constitutional safeguards; fourth, the positive role of constitutionalism in constructing empowering conversations in modern democratic development and as a venue for values discourse; fifth, the importance, especially in a cross-cultural context, of indigenization of constitutionalism through local institutional embodiment; and sixth, the value of extending research focused on the positive engendering or enabling function of constitutionalism to the developmental context in general and East Asia in particular.
He perceived similarities between it and
liberal democracy, and those parallels
did nothing to make what we often assume to be our superior system more appealing to him.
And we have a Prime Minister who seized the leadership of the
Liberal Party by opposing the best method of trying to
do something about it and who appoints advisers who believe the whole thing is a plot by the United Nations to undermine
democracy.
The revolutionary tradition of popular sovereignty exists; it is simply that some
liberals don't wish to claim it, because at its heart it demonstrates that popular sovereignty (also the foundational principle of
democracy) and revolutionary acts are completely intertwined, are one.
However, if Russia
does want to harm the West, and in particular if it desires the weakening of NATO and Western
liberal democracy, Trump's election may not herald a fundamental change in relations, but merely make them more febrile and high risk.
If Europeans are unable to look at the failings of their system and muster the determination to tackle them, they will not only face a dismal future, but they will have
done a grave disservice to
liberal democracy around the world.
But the idea that the way to revive the Labour Party or social
democracy is by attacking a «metropolitan secular
liberal elite», as he
does in several places in his speech, is utterly daft.
What
do you mean by «
liberal democracy»?
It works and we all know it works, but people don't admire it... It is the soul of modern
liberal democracy and it remains unsung in praise».
«But I
do think that Australia, along with other
liberal democracies around the world, have got to take the threat of foreign interference seriously.»
«
Liberal» and «Conservative» as applied to US politics are just labels, they don't mean anything, the same way Democrats and Republicans don't have any relation to supporting more
democracy over representation or vice versa.
But he praised activists for backing North Norfolk MP Norman Lamb's controversial proposals to part - privatise the Royal Mail, adding: «
Liberal democracy can not be a struggle between those who wish to modernise and those who
do not.
It
does upset me that people have become cynical and contemptuous of the institutions of
liberal democracy that, for all their flaws, have tremendously improved our lives.
«Most of us would be thrilled to
do one big thing in life, but [Shanker] really
did three,» said Richard Kahlenberg, author of Tough
Liberal: Albert Shanker and the Battles Over Schools, Unions, Race, and
Democracy.
For onlookers of democratic politics, rather than assuming a trajectory in which
democracy (by which too many onlookers assume Western
liberal democracy) prevails, it is prudent to heed the contested nature of this concept and note that among populations that are deeply divided on the separation of religion and state, if some form of
democracy does arise once the dust settles it will by virtue of the democratic process likely take place in between the essentialized and polarizing categories — those «secular» and «Islamist» conceptions — that are so prevalently and popularly discussed in popular discourse and the media.
Yet in a
liberal democracy such as the United States, the proper ordering of those mechanisms is beset by paradox: if free citizens are to rule the state,
does the state have a legitimate role in shaping their values and beliefs via its public schools, universities, and other institutions?
The analysis,
done by the Center for Media and
Democracy, a nonprofit
liberal watchdog and advocacy agency based in Wisconsin that tracks corporate influence on public policy, says that four companies — Pearson Education, ETS (Educational Testing Service), Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, and McGraw - Hill — collectively spent more than $ 20 million lobbying in states and on Capitol Hill from 2009 to 2014.»
This
does entail fostering
democracy and classic
liberal economics.
Does he know that the so - called «Arab Spring» protests in Egypt that triggered all the shouts about
democracy among
liberals, were actually food riots caused by governments listening to alternate fuel advocates like IPS?
Canada is a
democracy and
Liberal democrats, by definition,
do not take government - imposed opinions lightly.
But she says it
does not always sit well in a parliamentary
liberal democracy where important disagreement about the substance and content of laws and policies should be publicly ventilated and debated — particularly Australia's «disavowal» of self - determination.