Sentences with phrase «many modern liberals»

It's incorrect but the charge results from how modern liberals tend to favour government intervention on poverty issues while conservatives focus more on opportunity; the latter just do a lousy job of connecting the dots for the public.

* It's telling of the modern Liberals» more leftward tilt that Trudeau refers to the anti-pipeline side, rather than the pro- side, as his friends.

Restorative punishment, much like other practices of reconciliation, retrieves the distinctive logic of a religious tradition and brings it to bear upon modern liberal democracy.

The reasons are, first, that traditional religious thought has often assumed that sin is about all we need to be delivered from, and second, modern liberal thought whether religious or psychological has often made sin too marginal a concept.

The judge could find no support for the position of Ms Ladele in a «modern liberal democracy».

Conservatives (who are often early modern liberals in outlook and temperament) sometimes look fondly at the purifying effects of «severe struggle,» substituting economic for natural battle.

Assuming these traits are fundamental to the American political mind, most political theorists see this as reflecting the classical liberal mind — distinct from the «modern liberal» view which accepts the legitimacy of the welfare state — not a conservative mind.

Perhaps Mr. Anderson should consider drawing upon the moral and political wellsprings of modern liberal democracy itself.

Brian C. Anderson has it right that capitalism is part of our moral problem but, like Francis Fukuyama, follows up a discouraging diagnosis of modern liberal democracy with an optimistic remedy for its potentially fatal diseases.

It's just incorrect, factually speaking, though I don't expect modern liberal outlets such as CNN or their writers to care about facts or truth.

In my view, no thinker better highlights the necessity or dignity of intermediary associations (a conservative theme par excellence) nor provides a deeper account of the dependence of modern liberal democracy upon the «moral capital» of premodern times.

A similar fate has overtaken modern liberal philosophical and theological schemas, (such as those of Hegel, Schleiermacher, Troeltsch and Rahner) on the relationship of Christianity to the other religions.

D. Kagan, modern liberal democracies have abandoned that ideals (i agree with his assessment,) choosing to take men «as they are».

On the pro-choice side, is the basic motivation a desire to feel self - righteous in relation to others who are seen as politically and philosophically «backward» in our modern liberal society?

If modern liberal education is to provide for the nurture of free men, it must regain the ideal of generality which characterized the traditional liberal arts, but it must do so without sacrificing the variety and scope made possible by modern advances in knowledge.

The second principle that should govern modern liberal education is the primacy of qualitative excellence.

Modern liberal education is far broader.

Fourth, modern liberal studies ought to reflect the differences among human beings.

In this respect ideal modern liberal education agrees with the allegedly useless classical education.

Modern liberal seekers found him unnecessarily complicated or downbeat, while Christians found his theology thin and secular.

An interesting proposition made by Khalid Latif, yet one still shrouded in the modern liberal discourse of democratic America.

This debate is further evidence of religions ability to leverage post modern liberal philosophy to the advantage of divisive groups.

To work patiently alongside people of other faiths is not an option invented by modern liberals who seek to relativize the radical singleness of Jesus Christ and what was made possible through him.

Castro was not a «progressive» and Mao did not represent the Leftist turn of the modern liberal movement.

If Girard has any weakness, it is a susceptibility to modern liberal clichés.

I must not imagine complacently that my natural moral sentiments and the modern liberal principles I endorse will always happily correspond with the demands that flow from «the reality of the Lord's things.»

Modern liberal Christianity believes that it can ignore the doctrine of original sin in its definition and attainment of the good, both individually and socially.

The world's ambiguity is a central theme of modern liberal consciousness, and the openness and tolerance required to confront it are central liberal values.

The revelation in Christ, in any sense in which either our experience or really primitive Christian doctrine confirms it, is not most truly represented by the statement that Jesus Christ was God, as certain types of later Christian orthodoxy have tried to say it, nor yet by the modern liberal view that Jesus was a picture of God, showing us «what God is like.»

It's certainly more in line with a lot of modern liberal thought than modern conservative thought.

«One of the effects of modern liberal Protestantism has been gradually to turn religion into poetry and therapy, to make truth vaguer and vaguer and more and more relative, to banish intellectual distinctions, to depend on feeling instead of thought, and gradually to come to believe that God has no power, that he can not communicate with us, can not reveal himself to us, indeed has not done so and that religion is our own sweet invention» (p. 479).

In all these ways it expressed a modern liberal ideal that contrasted with the hierarchical domination and exclusiveness of most of the human past.

But Ober is more interested in confronting modern liberal and post-liberal «democracy» with the genuine ancient ideal, the Athenian «people power» of the fifth and fourth centuries b.c., on which he has had so many original and persuasive things to say since publishing Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens in 1989.

This type of interpretation starts with Schleiermacher, the father of modern liberal theology, in the early part of the nineteenth century.

Frei gave most of his attention to the varieties of liberalism, but his verdict applied equally to most forms of modern liberal and conservative theology.

Where Herzl saw Zionism as necessary because of a decay in the world in which Jews lived (anti «Semitism), Buber believed Zionism to be necessary because of a decay in Jews themselves (assimilation to modern liberal culture).

The claim to absolute knowledge, the appeal to a form of universalism that should inform civilization that is not based on empirical indexes alone, and the regulation of human sexuality that religious traditions promote make religion seem a threat to modern liberal society.

This alone would constitute a coherent and impressive philosophical edifice, but Spinoza also wrote the Tractatus, a critique of historical religion and a prescription for a modern liberal regime.

Modern liberal ideas, on the other hand, always seem to languish and wither away.

For the burning question for Hauerwas is now clearly this one: How can the Christian church live with integrity and in faithful witness to the God revealed to it in the history of Israel and the life, death and resurrection of Jesus in the midst of modern liberal society where narcissism and nationalism threaten its very existence?

The reordering of life according to such principles of rationalization resulted from the tendency of corporate capitalism and the modern liberal state to expand their power, which they accomplished by means of a bureaucratic structure and paternalistic ethos.

According to Radner, modern liberal notions of human rights enabled the more authentic realization of Christian charity in history, most dramatically in the abolition of slavery.

In other words, all traditions are excluded except the modern liberal tradition of the autonomous self, centered in individual rights.

This trajectory suggests that the Balmesian tradition is largely correct to see the development of modern liberal culture as an integral set of often anti-religious social structures, and to see this culture as closely linked to the dynamics of Christian division.

Some historians of the American experience emphasize the radical break between the ancient, classic tradition of the «liberal» arts and the modern liberal tradition.

We leave to one side, for this review, extended reflections on the relationship of apocalyptic thinking to modern liberal theology generally, but it is an issue worthy of some attention.

Modern liberal theology foundered on this question.

It is a saying long since become trite but still true of the thought of modern liberal students of the Bible, that the Bible is not in its entirety the word of God, but that the Bible does contain the word of God.

Smirking, arrogant and entitled, he's almost the perfect modern Liberal blueprint except for the fact he actually has talent and the desire to better himself.

A modern liberal education equates to a near total course of indoctrination into internationalist social - democratic thought.