I am not advocating that we bloat the Lords back to numbers last seen before
New Labour reforms.
Not exact matches
That «coalition» approach is underpinned by the 97 - 01 policy agenda of
new deal on jobs and windfall tax, minimum wage, devolution and FoI, public services, social chapter and pro-EU, feminisation of the PLP through shortlists, alongside macroecon stability, aversion to tax rises spoke to a party coalition; the post-01 agenda was arguably rather narrower, with
new labour seeming to be about a particular method of public service
reform.
Does anyone think we would be
reforming electoral system an outcome desired by no - one, if
New labour had won.
I've argued on my own blog (http://hands-of-the-many.blogspot.com/2010/05/next-
labour-will-change-be-moderate-or.html) that
New Labour represented an understandable compromise with the upper class so that the overwhelming hostility to the party in the press would be lessened, and the party could communicate its message to a wider audience - and then, build the coalition which brought the party to office, and enabled the much - needed social democratic
reforms to take place.
New Labour's introduction of devolved national assemblies in Northern Ireland, Wales and Scotland in the late 1990s signalled the starting - shot to a race for
reform.
What
Labour needs is a
new social democratic revisionism, that heavily focuses on restructuring the welfare state, to unite communitarian and cosmopolitan voters, in an era of globalization, high inequalities, increased demands for choice, and an ageing population This requires applying the principles of solidarity, reciprocity and individual empowerment, in relation to
reforming the welfare state, to make it more effective at tackling poverty and providing economic security, and to satisfy rising demands for choice.
The second key plank of the
New Labour That Wasn't was the advocacy of a pluralist polity: Charter 88's platform of devolution, a UK Bill of Rights for the UK, electoral and House of Lords
reform and freedom of information.
While
New Labour took a much weaker line on
reforming the economy, on the side of political
reform,
New Labour of course adopted and delivered on a number of the pluralists» commitments.
Today there is a
new democratic frontier for the
labour movement in Britain:
reforming Westminster's creaking establishment.
But if there is a lesson to be learned from turning back to the insights of
New Labour's road not taken, it is in seeing that economic
reform and political
reform are closely intertwined.
Compassites like Jon Cruddas, Ed Miliband and Neal Lawson seem completly relaxed about applying a more enlightened and compassionate liberalism to public services and are not particularly critical of
New Labour's public service
reforms.
A serving
Labour minister with a future stands up and says managerialism and triangulation are bad,
New Labour is basically over, that
Labour needs to be a movement again — gives tentative respect to the Iraq war marches, and says more public service
reform and tax credits won't solve the challenges of a liveable decent society.
New Labour's first term did more to
reform the British state than any government since 1911.
Well there is a theory the reason
New Labour have held onto the ID cards is because they can offer to drop that to appease the LibDems rather than give them what they really want (electoral
reform)...
Perhaps this is just be the British tradition of incremental change, but that is a large part of why the important democratising
reforms of
New Labour's first term are now rather overshadowed by more traditional governmental instincts.
The most significant
reform for
New Labour was Blair's removal of Clause IV from the Party Constitution.
Just on constitutional
reform, which continues to be a big interest for you: looking back at the sweep of
New Labour in office under Blair and now Brown, hasn't it been a big failure really on what Roy Jenkins called «breaking the mould» issues: Lib - Labbery, elected second chamber - you must be disappointed with that record.
Both of these, in the form of a manifesto commitment to a referendum on electoral
reform, and as an exploration of the stake - holding idea espoused by Will Hutton among others, had already entered «
New Labour» thinking.
New figures released by the Electoral
Reform Society Wales (ERS) show the extent to which Welsh
Labour would disproportionately benefit if First Past The Post was exclusively adopted for future Assembly elections.
This has been reflected in our consistently providing platforms for
Labour - LibDem dialogue, seeking to foster engagement between party politics and civic pressure, and in co-hosting the left and liberty session at the Convention for Modern Liberty, and in being significantly engaged in debates about the pluralist
reform of party politics, the broader political settlement and the
new «movement politics» of a pluralist left.
Purnell's
reforms (and most
New Labour welfare
reforms) have treated claiments disgracefully.
Labour favours the former drawn - out, Leveson - style inquiry, whereas the Government favours a swift investigation by Lords and MPs, so that any recommendations can be implemented in the upcoming banking
reform Bill, which is set to come before the House in the
new year.
Many of these
reforms had been in the 1945
Labour manifesto, but the Attlee Government had to satisfy the expectations of the
new generation.
In discussion of Denham's argument, several responses, such as Stuart White's, took the opposite argument to yours - saying that this was all very well in principle, but
New Labour had quite a lot of focus on «rights and responsibilities» at the bottom, in welfare
reform, the
New Deal and so on, and had been pretty muted about applying that principle higher up.
New Labour made devolution a centrepiece of its
reform programme when it came to power, with the promise that «devolution will be the salvation of the UK».
But one of the architects of
New Labour, who chronicled the early days of the project in his book The Unfinished Revolution, had another key message: never abandon the mantle of
reform.
In place of
Labour's hopeless acceptance of mediocrity in education, which has seen Britain tumble down the world league tables just when we need our children to be doing better than those in other countries, we will offer the hope of a decent education for every child, with immediate action to raise standards and radical
reform to end the state monopoly over
new school places.
The former Prime Minister on dealing with the right - wing press,
New Labour's alleged obsession with celebrities and how he wished he had
reformed the party to ensure that Jeremy Corbyn could never have been leader
On 1 March 2014, at a special conference the party
reformed internal
Labour election procedures, including replacing the electoral college system for selecting
new leaders with a «one member, one vote» system following the recommendation of a review by former general - secretary Ray Collins.
I do not accept your perspective on my analysis as it did not mention the
New Labour Project, nor does it show any knowledge of the
Labour Reform Group and Save the
Labour Party organisations which were in struggle against
New Labour under Blair, and of which I was an active member.
[161] Blair and his supporters sought to
reform the party by further expunging leftist elements and taking it to the centre ground, thus creating «
New Labour», with Blairite Peter Mandelson asserting that hard left figures like Livingstone represented «the enemy» of
reform.
Lord Andrew Adonis, former SDP councillor, turned Liberal Democrat parliamentary candidate, former speechwriter to Paddy Ashdown and latterly a
New Labour Minister has told The Observer that he is right behind Ed Miliband's «party
reform plans».
The future direction of
Labour is set out clearly by Owen Smith, who recently in the
New Statesman, described the
reforms as a «historic attempt to make
Labour a true people's party once more».
Mr Purnell said: «Welfare
reform is a key part of any
new Labour government.
There was somewhat predictable outrage from some parts of the left over the weekend, when
Labour's unloved DWP shadow, Liam Byrne, announced a
new approach to welfare
reform including emphasis on contributions, a full employment strategy and giving councils the option to give those who work or contribute to their communities» priority on social housing lists.
In a
new white paper, leader of the House of Commons Jack Straw set out proposals to finish the
reform of the Lords that
Labour started when it came to power in 1997.
Launching the Fabian Society campaign today,
Labour MP Jonathan Reynolds said there was a pressing need for
new ideas for constitutional
reform in the party:
And, more fundamentally, he must avoid being dragged down by the surprisingly narrow gap between
New Labour's NHS
reform ambitions and the Tories» ideas it is now fighting its hardest against.
Modernisation is too often caricatured as privatisation in this book, and fails to grasp that
New Labour's
reform agenda was not in opposition to social justice, but the only way in a changing world to achieve it.»
NHS Direct was first established in March 1998, as part of the
New Labour government's plans to
reform the Health Service.
Andrew Lansley, the MP for South Cambridgeshire who was one of the «Portillista» modernisers who refused to serve in the Duncan Smith team, uses an article in today's Guardian to urge the leadership to consider changing the party's name to
Reform Conservatives, an implicit tribute to Tony Blair's
New Labour.
They had also said his policies would extend
New Labour's
reforms.
Tessa Jowell produced
Labour's woeful response: effectively, that these
reforms were not as radical as those begun by
New Labour.
Nat le Roux argues that a one - off electoral
reform pact between
Labour and some or all of the minor parties in 2020, with a common manifesto commitment to introduce a
new voting system, would likely result in a broad - left coalition government.
But if, as Rafael Behr has reported in the
New Statesman, the shadow Cabinet decides
Labour has more points to win by supporting Lords
reform, the case is altered.
Pension
reform is a key plank of the coalition's economic policy, it has tasked
Labour peer Lord Hutton with bringing about a
new system for public sector schemes that is sustainable.
The various groups pushing for
reform then had to unify to campaign for a system they didn't want, but while they were doing so,
Labour was spending five months tortuously electing a
new leader.
He says we will see another in «a
new approach to penal
reform» which will end «mass criminalisation of young people» and
Labour's «build and fill»em approach to prisons».
By calling on
Labour to adopt a new agenda on public service reform, local ownership and control, a green economy and a renewed democracy, LABOUR S REVIVAL offers a practical path for modernisers to follow in the tough months
Labour to adopt a
new agenda on public service
reform, local ownership and control, a green economy and a renewed democracy,
LABOUR S REVIVAL offers a practical path for modernisers to follow in the tough months
LABOUR S REVIVAL offers a practical path for modernisers to follow in the tough months ahead.
Fresh from their resounding success in defeating AV, many Conservative MPs have started talking to
Labour backbenchers who also voted No in the referendum trying to form a
new alliance to defeat the proposals to
reform the House of Lords, announced by Nick Clegg yesterday.