Sentences with phrase «public justice as»

Ms. Webber was part of the team recognized by Public Justice as finalists for their Trial Lawyer of the Year award in 2011 for the work done in Keepseagle.

See Brief for Trial Lawyers for Public Justice as Amicus Curiae 10, and n. 7.

Not exact matches

Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg said in her opinion that the law «shelters employees of private contractors that serve public companies, just as it shelters the public companies» own employees.»

When prime - time hosts — who have never served our country in any capacity — dismiss facts and empirical reality to launch profoundly dishonest assaults on the FBI, the Justice Department, the courts, the intelligence community (in which I served) and, not least, a model public servant and genuine war hero such as Robert Mueller — all the while scaremongering with lurid warnings of «deep - state» machinations — I can not be part of the same organization, even at a remove.

As a political philosopher who studies how abstract moral notions such as justice apply to political institutions, I am more concerned with the fact that under - counting the undocumented might introduce bias into our public policAs a political philosopher who studies how abstract moral notions such as justice apply to political institutions, I am more concerned with the fact that under - counting the undocumented might introduce bias into our public policas justice apply to political institutions, I am more concerned with the fact that under - counting the undocumented might introduce bias into our public policy.

Growing up in a middle - class family in Manhattan, Powers had the opportunity to attend Hunter College High School, a prestigious public school that counts Supreme Court Justice Elena Kagan and Hamilton's Lin - Manuel Miranda as among its illustrious alumni.

She worked as Minister across nine Canadian government departments, and her service included the role of Vice Chair of the Treasury Board and chair of the cabinet committee for public safety, justice and aboriginal issues.

The John R. Justice Student Loan Repayment Program provides up to $ 10,000 per year of law school loan repayment for state and federal public defenders and state prosecutors who agree to remain employed as public defenders and prosecutors for at least three years.

Join Lillian with U.S. Supreme Court Justice Sonia Sotomayor, Jeff Skoll (Skoll Foundation), Lauren Bush Lauren & Target Corp. at National Jefferson Awards Ceremony, referred to as Nobel Prize for Public Service

In light of this refusal to respond seriously to the substantiated and well - researched concerns of civil society, the members of the Trade Justice Network can not accept this empty and meaningless Declaration as anything more than public relations.

The Justice Department accuses the insurers of pursuing profit over the interests of the public, casting Bertolini as an anti-consumer CEO.

But for some black racial justice activists, organizers, and public figures, the reaction to the students of Stoneman Douglas has also led to another truth: Organizing around Black Lives Matter and the larger Movement for Black Lives, another youth - led movement demanding policy change in the wake of trauma, was not and has not been as readily embraced.

As for Justice Stevens himself, it is an arresting fact that in the animal sacrifice case he joined the opinion announcing the constitutional requirement that public officials disassociate themselves from antireligious measures.

I see no reason why church leaders should cease promoting Christian understandings of human rights in public settings as a way of promoting justice, morality, and the common good.

Denouncing them as blind guides, fools, hypocrites and a brood of vipers, he uttered harsh public words condemning them for their many errors, including their preoccupation with tithing on small matters and their neglect of more important things such as justice and mercy (Matt.

Governmental indifference to contraception was soon construed to imply governmental indifference to abortion, via the misconstrual of abortion as a matter of sexual privacy rather than as a matter of public justice; and the «right to abortion» soon became a defining issue in our politics.

So, the justice suggests, as long prayers at public meetings don't fall into a pattern of proselytizing, denigrating nonbelievers or threatening damnation, what's the problem?

It is an attempt to identify in modes of discourse accessible to the public those first principles of truth and justice that are sufficiently clear as to be adopted as bases for public policy and the ordering of international life.

The justices, by an 8 - 1 vote, said Wednesday that members of Westboro Baptist Church had a right to promote what they call a broad - based message on public matters such as wars.

In response to the Rhetoric Society of America's inquiry — what are Pope Benedict's reasons for positioning the Catholic Church as an essential link between enterprise and justice, and as a significant voice in the public discussion of globalization — I suggest a «spiritual....

I propose that in this particular issue, where the church has had a marvellous opportunity to project itself into the public sphere as an institution that can be trusted, and to proclaim in deed the gospel of justice and restoration, the church's actions have contradicted its gospel message.

The Nixon - Graham doctrine of the relation of religion to public morality and policy, as revealed in the White House services, has two defects: (1) It regards all religion as virtuous in guaranteeing public justice.

Historically, the theory was, as articulated by Zacharias Ursinus, that «the Church... looks to the reformation and salvation of the offender; the magistrate to the execution of justice and the public peace.»

Insofar as the need for defense provides just cause for public use of the sword, it comes from the responsibility of government to protect order, justice, and peace, not simply from the right to respond to an attacker in kind.

And as true to hint that Mr. Astrue sees himself as something of a public jester, even as he attempts to administer justice to millions of his fellow Americans.

1) Churches need to be a voice for economic justice for lower - income families by, for instance, advocating for more generous child and earned - income tax credits, as well as for the elimination of the marriage penalties embedded in many of our public policies directed towards lower - income families.

While the Justice made clear his own preference for pro-life public policies, he argued that in itself democracy is neutral as between competing positions on issues such as abortion and euthanasia.

State the editors, «Those who know and practice... truth must ever stand as guardians of what is essentially the Christian tradition, and call before the bar of human justice and public opinion those who traduce these truths of natural and special revelation.

Long before the founding of Christian public interest law firms, such as the Liberty Fund, The Becket Fund, and the ACLJ [American Center for Law and Justice], the Jehovah's Witnesses were using the courts to establish liberties.

If we call ourselves Americans as well as Christians, we may feel a strong civic sense that what our government did in our name was the embodiment of public justice.

In the creation of a new egalitarian community, the church as a counter — public of justice names a space in which ways of justice are modeled and formed.

The hard just war position is taken by a writer such as Keith Pavlischek, who serves at the Center for Public Justice in Washington.

But, then, the dirty little secret is exposed: non-religion (or secular humanism, as Torcaso v. Watkins admitted) is just as much a religion as any other, except that by pretending to not be a religion, it becomes the Constitutionally established faith and religious test, not just for public office but anything public (public policy, the public square), whose content is defined by the clerisy of a five justice «theocratic majoritarianism.»

This is the kind of censorship necessary for television, he says, «and, whatever the justice of [Rooney's] punishment, he can take comfort in having served as a sacrifice to the cause of public tranquility.»

It is tempting to pass this book off as propaganda, but no one should underestimate Carlson - Thies, who in 1992 began working, from his position at the Center for Public Justice, for the passage of Charitable Choice.

In Cardinal Dulles» discussion of «Catholicism & Capital Punishment» he argued that public, governmental punishment must finally be understood as «a symbolic anticipation of God's perfect justice.»

Just as the lordship of Christ made demands for public justice on office - holders in the New Testament (Luke 4:15), the same is true for those who rule as citizens.

Just as the state is called by God to an irrevocable task of doing public justice, so also is the institutional church called by God to proclaim the Gospel in its fullness, administer the sacraments and to ensure that its members are living up to their calling before the face of God, who has redeemed them in Jesus Christ.

Nonetheless, we may also hold that so far as public policy is concerned in a pluralistic society, justice is best served by a Madisonian approach that thwarts the tyranny of the majority.

In the face of a threat to public order, those with public power and the responsibility for maintaining peace, even if they care about justice, as Pilate did, are sometimes under pressure to sacrifice justice — and with it, all pretense of determining whose views are correct when it comes to life's big questions.

Living in justice in this world as a good steward of God's bounty, maintaining privacy and yet caring for every legitimate public need, removing every vestige of exploitation, protecting the environment for today's and tomorrow's generations, and being honest in every individual transaction, all of these are covered when we push the Commandment «You shall not steal» into the very depths of our complicated and complex lives.

The first group tends to take the law, see justice as its core expression, apply it in the public sector (social justice), and then see that as kingdom work.

So here it goes: In contemporary usage I hear «kingdom» used for two primary dimensions — for public sector social justice activism (I call this «skinny jeans» because a pastor told me a story about his social justice associates who wore skinny jeans) and for seeing kingdom as God's redemptive power unleashed wherever that power is unleashed (again, I call this pleated pants kingdom because of the same story).

If religions thus eschew separate «communal power» and seek justice in society, there is no reason why for this purpose, they should not bring their specific faith - insights regarding public morality into dialogue and common action through secular multi-religious groups open for faith - interaction among themselves as well as with secular ideologies.

«Just as Catholics for a Free Choice and other such groups suggest to the general public that not all Catholics agree with positions adopted by their bishops on birth control, abortion and in - vitro fertilization, so will the Religious Right serve to suggest that not all Catholics accept the positions of church leaders in social justice matters,» writes Richard J. Dowling, executive director of the Maryland Catholic Conference.

At the very least, as Amy Black points out in «For the Sake of the Children» (a 1995 contribution to the Crossroads Monograph Series on Faith and Public Policy), there are public - justice issues invPublic Policy), there are public - justice issues invpublic - justice issues involved.

Evangelicals of a social - justice bent have mounted like - minded projects on a smaller scale, such as the Crossroads Program sponsored by Evangelicals for Social Action (seeded by Pew Trust money in 1992) and its ongoing series of publications on faith and public policy.

... The public school is as much committed to the maintenance of justice as is the court.50

Justice, therefore, requires equal treatment of religions in public as well as in private life.

This effort, like that of the NCBCPS, relies heavily on the distinction made by Justice Thomas Clark in the 1963 Supreme Court decision forbidding devotional reading of the Bible in public schools: «Nothing we have said here indicates that such study of the Bible or of religion, when presented objectively as part of a secular program of education, may not be effected consistently with the First Amendment.»