The change in
the Residential Income Segregation Index (RISI) is in the double digits for many of our most populated urban areas:
Not exact matches
The New York City metro ranks 1st in
residential segregation by
income in the nation.
Changing school attendance policies could be «more feasible than reducing
income inequality, raising the minimum wage, instituting metropolitan governance, or creating affordable housing stock to address
residential segregation,» Owens wrote.
«If schools play an important role in
residential segregation, then breaking that link and making it less important and sort of alleviating parents» concerns about where their kids are going to attend school would reduce
income segregation,» Owens said.
High levels of
residential segregation have been linked to lower levels of
income mobility across generations.
U.S. Private Schools Increasingly Serve Affluent Families (Vox CEPR's Policy Portal) Richard Murnane discusses how fewer middle - class children are now enrolled in private schools and that an increase in
residential segregation by
income in the US means that urban public and urban private schools have less socioeconomic diversity than they had decades ago.
Furthermore, research reveals that
income - based
residential segregation, increasing since the 1980s, is another critical reason that schools have not been able to level the playing field for low and high
income children.
John Eligon and Robert Gebeloff penned a terrific though sobering analysis of the combination of policies contributing to
residential segregation by race, irrespective of
income.
«
Residential mobility has brought about a high degree of racial
segregation in education, as well as
segregation by
income... and it is the disadvantaged who are least able to select a school... that continues to function reasonably well.»
The strongest correlates of achievement gaps are local racial / ethnic differences in parental
income, local average parental education levels, and patterns of racial / ethnic
segregation, consistent with a theoretical model in which family socioeconomic factors affect educational opportunity partly though
residential and school
segregation patterns.
«I think what's surprising is that the
income gap has narrowed... when some of the underlying conditions — growing
income equality and
residential segregation — have continued unabated,» Reardon said.
Rising
residential segregation by
income has led to increasing concentrations of low - and high -
income children attending separate schools.
So while racial
residential segregation has been decreasing over the past few decades, it still remains high, and very little of it can be explained by racial differences in
income levels.
Charters, by severing the tie between
residential neighborhood
segregation and school
segregation, might help reinvent the old idea of the American common school, where students of different races,
incomes, and religions could come and learn together under a single schoolhouse roof.
This, combined with the fact that there is a directly negative relationship between
residential mobility and student academic performance, particularly for students in low -
income or single - parent families (Scanlon and Devine), shows how mobility patterns based on a long history of housing
segregation can have direct impacts on individual students before they even affect institutional matters like funding.