SNP supporters divide 90 - 10 % in favour of independence; Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat supporters divide 90 - 10 % against independence.
Ninety - one percent of
SNP supporters say the Scottish Labour Party represents the views and interests of Scotland either fairly badly (32 %) or very badly (59 %).
SNP supporters have been having a field day on social media mocking Labour for its mass abstention on the welfare bill, but Corbyn did vote against it and that will mean he will have gained some respect where the other leadership candidates will have certainly lost it.
Despite this, the single most popular general election outcome in these seats was a coalition involving Labour and the SNP — a result favoured by 39 % of voters overall, including 62 % of
SNP supporters and 79 % of Labour - SNP switchers.
Turnout will also be high amoungst Plaid and
SNP supporters.
Most current UKIP supporters (and
SNP supporters) have previously voted Labour, Lib Dem or Conservative (over two thirds according to AW's churn analysis) and, since a little under half of them are not firmly committed to UKIP (Ashcroft's poll) I contend that it is not unreasonable to theorise that some may do so again in May.
Jim Murphy's net approval rating amongst
SNP supporters was -54.
The reason for
the SNP supporters» avidness may lay in their personal rather than pragmatic attachment to their party.
The referendum, besides boosting the major determinant of SNP voting, had a second important effect on the party by increasing the fervency of existing
SNP supporters [1].
A quick glance at social media shows there are still many, many
SNP supporters willing to defend Salmond to the death, convinced that the RT row is further evidence of a plot by the «Yoon media» to do in their hero.
Moderator of the Free Church of Scotland and
SNP supporter David Robertson responds to Nicola Sturgeon's comments that following the EU referendum,... More
After the historic result, Ryan Gallagher asks his father, a long - term
SNP supporter, what does the future hold?
Indeed I saw a tweet from
an SNP supporter over the weekend saying «After the election I think we should invite Lord Ashcroft to Freedom Square for free beers and stuff».
Not exact matches
Since the 2014 referendum Scottish voters have been increasingly polarised along constitutional lines, with
supporters of independence generally backing the
SNP and opponents increasingly coalescing behind the Conservatives.
The 2015 election could well - produce situations where, for example, the
SNP has a pivotal vote or one of English Votes for English Laws [EVEL] in which Labour
supporters are disenfranchised in the way the Scottish electorate has been in the past.
As
SNP support increased we might expect the strength of identity of its average
supporter to decrease.
Conservative
supporters would apparently be even keener on switching to the Liberal Democrats if they had the best chance of defeating the
SNP (58 % say they would do so, while only 8 % would move to the
SNP).
I argued here that Conservative and Lib Dem
supporters in Scotland probably would not often vote tactically for Labour because they are not much more fond of Labour than they are of the
SNP.
We were witnessing the beginnings of a party being hollowed out and of a deepening disconnection between Labour MPs and their core
supporters, which, in time, would empower the
SNP in Scotland and create an opportunity for Ukip in England.
With the
SNP winning huge support in the 2015 election off the back of an anti-austerity message, her approach could end up losing as many
supporters as it gains.
It is trying to win back those for the most part relatively left - wing former
supporters who voted for independence eighteen months ago and subsequently switched to the
SNP.
Solidarity had a conference in Motherwell on Saturday and urged its
supporters to «lend» their votes to Nicola Sturgeon's party at the general election — helping, in a small way, to increase the
SNP's chances of building a left coalition against Labour.
But it is equally important to win support from
SNP voters in Scotland and UKIP
supporters in working class parts of England.
For example, if convinced the battle locally was between Labour and the
SNP, a half of Liberal Democrat (50 %)
supporters and almost as many Conservatives (44 %) said they would back Labour instead.
In the run up to the 2007 Holyrood elections an advert urging voters to reject the
SNP's separatist agenda named 15 famous players as
supporters of the union.
My impression is that the vast majority of criticism has come from
SNP / Yes campaign
supporters eager to describe it as a problem for Labour, and to put prominent Labour women in the uncomfortable position of having to denounce his speech.
What's worth noting straight away is that, with a couple of exceptions (namely, that on the «objective measure» Labour
supporters are more left wing than Greens and UKIP members slightly more left - wing than Lib Dems), the relative ordering on all three measures is the same: from left to right, it runs Greens, Labour,
SNP, Lib Dem, UKIP, and Conservative.
If Corbyn retained more than 54
supporters they would still have significant visibility, and the
SNP would lose its current privileges.
No less than 68 % of this group of Yes voting 2010 Labour
supporters now say that they will vote
SNP in May.
When faced with such a haemorrhaging of core
supporters to the
SNP, it is extremely worrying that Labour's membership is so out - of - step with the party's trade union base, especially when the membership in Scotland is so small compared wiith other parts of the UK.
A foul - up by the
SNP had meant that the nationalist
supporters gathered outside cheered Sutch, Boyle and Beckett for five minutes when they stumbled out of Perth City Hall first, while Cunningham was still trapped inside as the OMRLP (and one defecting Scottish Liberal Democrat) conducted the crowd in choral renditions of both «Spot the Loony» and «Let's All Laugh at Labour» (Labour had spent a fortune trying to win the seat for Peter Mandelson's then - aide Douglas Alexander).
Those voters switching from Labour at Westminster to
SNP at Holyrood appear less opposed to Scottish independence than other Labour voters but it is difficult to see how Alex Salmond could possibly win a referendum anyway with opponents of independence outnumbering
supporters by about 2 - to - 1.
It did not address how to win back
supporters in its industrial heartland who fled to Ukip or those in Scotland who switched to the
SNP.
«We're beating back the
SNP in Scotland,» he told cheering
supporters.
Both Nicola Sturgeon and the
SNP, however, still have to satisfy high expectations when it comes to day - to - day government, the first minister's personal pledge to close the attainment gap in the state school sector, and the obvious desire among many of her members and
supporters for another independence referendum.
A new poll of Labour - held Scottish seats suggests that support for independence is now the overwhelming reason why former
supporters now back the
SNP.
Jeremy Corbyn must do more to win back traditional Labour voters who have switched to Ukip and the
SNP, according to one of his key
supporters.
The
SNP turned out its
supporters in droves and our squeeze on Tory and Labour voters couldn't compensate for it.
By the end, when it became clear there was no such thing as a «soft»
SNP voter, our campaign in Scotland narrowed its focus to an appeal to Conservative and Labour
supporters to vote tactically in Liberal Democrat seats to keep the
SNP out.
Overall Labour lost one third of its
supporters to the
SNP between early 2014 and the General Election (and nearly half since 2010), the vast majority of whom had voted for independence.
Second, the Conservative Party and its
supporters have claimed that including the
SNP in any government will lead to chaos as Miliband's government would be liable to a «daily dose of blackmail» that will result in continuous instability.
About one third of Labour
supporters cast votes for Yes in the referendum — and they represent the electorate from whom the
SNP hope to gain 40 seats.
Unless the front bench and its
supporters can win votes in the Commons against a Tory majority in the coming weeks, the danger is that Labour will fail either to defend its old Remain position, which it has now abandoned to the Lib Dems and the
SNP and fail to be convincing Leavers.
A majority of Tory and Liberal Democrat
supporters - 75 % and 51 % respectively - opposed a deal between Labour and the
SNP.
Henry McLeish, another former Labour first minister, also said this week that Scottish Labour
supporters no longer know «what the party stands for» and that it had given «enormous ground to the
SNP unnecessarily».
During a speech after the dinner, Ramsay said: «The
SNP have an army of
supporters, and a sophisticated database - I know that from speaking to Cambridge Analytica the other day, who are not working for them, thank goodness.»
On the left, the Labour leader is surrounded by Leanne Wood of Plaid Cymru, who was once arrested for protesting over Trident and told to leave the Welsh Assembly chamber for calling the Queen «Mrs Windsor»; Nicola Sturgeon of the
SNP, who is a fiery and accomplished debater intent on savaging Miliband for signing up to the austerity agenda; and Natalie Bennett of the Greens, who can promote precisely the sorts of policies core Labour
supporters are desperate to see.
SNP MSP George Adam said Labour was also «hopelessly split over Brexit», and that the party leadership's stance on the single market was «alienating huge numbers of Labour
supporters and members across Scotland and the rest of the UK».
Supporters of the
SNP, Green Party and Liberal Democrats all admitted to turning down potential romantic partners based on their political views.