Sentences with phrase «social liberalism for»

In that same 22 Days in May postscript, Laws also notes that the Lib Dems» retreat towards economic liberalism, combined with a move towards social liberalism for the Tories under David Cameron, gave the parties some common ground on which to start coalition negotiations.

To give people some food for thought, we have also republished Steve and Jo Holland's article on Communicating Social Liberalism from Reinventing the State: Social Liberalism for the 21st Century on the Social Liberal Forum website (the full Reinventing the State will be back in print next month).

By Duncan Brack This article was originally published in Reinventing the State: Social Liberalism for the 21st Century.

-LSB-...] article was originally published in Reinventing the State: Social Liberalism for the 21st Century.

A response eventually came in 2007, in the form of Reinventing the State: Social Liberalism for the 21st Century, which I co-edited with Duncan Brack (also a former director of policy) and David Howarth, then the MP for Cambridge.

Not exact matches

The chapter covering this period is one of the best in the book, with its careful account of how Bonhoeffer's censorious judgment of the superficiality of American religious liberalism gradually gave way to admiration for the central place of social justice and for the vital religious faith of the oppressed black Christians whom he met at Abyssinian Baptist Church in Harlem.

Anyone who imagines that freedom for the media will be established if only everyone is busy transmitting and receiving is the dupe of a liberalism which, decked out in contemporary colors, merely peddles the faded concepts of a pre-ordained harmony of social interests.

that innovation in constitutional jurisprudence greased the skids for a 23 - year slide through social liberalism.

Before the election, many evangelical leaders predicted that opposition to Obama over his support for abortion rights, his personal endorsement of same - sex marriage and his vision of government as a force for good would trump reservations evangelicals had about Romney's past social liberalism and his Mormon faith.

Changing political circumstances altered political ideals over the next seventy years, such that pro-Catholic thinkers such as Félicité de Lamennais gradually began to endorse liberalism's doctrine of religious liberty as a way of providing safe harbor for the Church's social influence within a French state that was no longer officially Catholic.

There might or might not be a future for the «war on women» branding, but social liberalism isn't going anywhere.

This dynamic allows for social liberalism to take the offensive, while allowing socially liberal candidates to seem like reasonable people who only bring up social issues when they are forced to do so.

And while the strains of the post-Conciliar years (which were also years of tremendous demographic transformation on the American urban / suburban landscape) have tested that claim as never before, there remain, in this, the sesquicentennial year of the erection of the diocese, many impressive signs of vitality in a local church that has been distinguished for its rich ethnic diversity, its identification of parish and neighborhood, its impressive clerical and lay leadership, its self - conscious social and political liberalism, and its sense of itself as the «lead diocese» in matters ranging from liturgical renewal to Christian social action.

While trying to preserve liberalism's valid insight of man's moral and rational capacity for good, Niebuhr rejected its utopian and individualistic social strategy.

Liberalism's founders tended to take for granted the persistence of social norms, even as they sought to liberate individuals from those constitutive associations and the accompanying education in self - limitation that sustained these norms.

The secular form of liberalism for Niebuhr was a philosophy and social ethic which stemmed from a secularized Social Gospel combined with American optimism, faith in the techniques of natural science, and the idea of inevitable social prosocial ethic which stemmed from a secularized Social Gospel combined with American optimism, faith in the techniques of natural science, and the idea of inevitable social proSocial Gospel combined with American optimism, faith in the techniques of natural science, and the idea of inevitable social prosocial progress.

As Niebuhr contemplated the shambles of the Depression, he became deeply convinced that modern liberalism, whether in its secular or its religious form, could not provide relevant guidance for social and political reconstruction.

However, to criticize liberalism he used Marxism's organic view of society, its theory of class conflict, its insights into social injustice, its intuition of judgment and disaster, and its sense for the duplicity of man.

My predecessor at Duke, H. Shelton Smith, asserted (in Faith and Nurture) the important unity of education and theology and sought to build a bridge between liberalism's concern with the social order and neo-orthodoxy's concern for the tradition.

This is important, I believe, in order to contextualize the real import of liberation theology as calling for a new realization of social justice in dialectical contradiction to conservatism and liberalism.

During the «30s, theologian Reinhold Niebuhr, though himself a Century contributing editor at the time, became more and more critical of the kind of social - gospel liberalism that the journal had championed for decades.

Of course men are corrupted by evil social institutions; but if the social processes fully explain man's behavior, then the freedom which liberalism has claimed for man is denied.

There were frequent comparisons of the best in «evangelicalism» with what seems to them the worst in «ecumenism»... The most frequent charges against us were theological liberalism, loss of evangelical conviction, universalism in theology, substitution of social action for evangelism, and the search for unity at the expense of biblical truth.

Hence, the French conception of liberalism seems to have some bearing on social liberty but not outright self - empowerment and a capacity for governmental change.4 If the people will not argue for change, only the political power can; but politicians want to keep power inside the state.

This strand of thought is not alien to the party, and for much of the history of the Liberal Party, and then the Liberal Democrats, it has been able to coexist happily with centre - left social liberalism.

What does this mean for the future of social liberalism?

On the wider issue of giving the right of your party some stick and standing up for social liberalism, I am happy to stand corrected that you have been doing this.

Hi John, we would like to keep in touch with the Social Liberal diaspora, but as far as SLF membership is concerned we want our members to stay in the party and support our campaigns for social liberSocial Liberal diaspora, but as far as SLF membership is concerned we want our members to stay in the party and support our campaigns for social libersocial liberalism.

He made the case for his trademark mix of social liberalism and fiscal conservatism.

Economic liberalism, for Laws, is about the way in which we pursue social liberalism, not about the aims of social liberalism.

A note on terms, first, if I may: centrism is a deeply misleading term, conferring an image of moderation on a party that would combine social liberalism and anti-Brexitism with support for cuts, privatisation and a pro-corporate agenda.

However, some American fiscal conservatives view wider social liberalism as an impetus for increased spending on these programs.

A secondary meaning for the term liberal conservatism that has developed in Europe is a combination of more modern conservative (less traditionalist) views with those of social liberalism.

When asked to name a policy area that the pair differed on, Lamb would cite his support for assisted dying — something Farron opposes — as being fundamental to his social liberalism.

British Conservative economic liberalism and individualism, our hostility to European paternalist social policies and to Euro - federalism, and our propensity for the cold shower of «common sense» solutions, mean that we sit uneasily with the most important parties of the European centre right.

For the record, while the Social Liberal Forum does indeed believe that social liberalism is the mainstream ideology of the Liberal Democrats, we do not believe it is incompatible with other strands of liberSocial Liberal Forum does indeed believe that social liberalism is the mainstream ideology of the Liberal Democrats, we do not believe it is incompatible with other strands of libersocial liberalism is the mainstream ideology of the Liberal Democrats, we do not believe it is incompatible with other strands of liberalism.

Because there is more than one kind of social liberalism, and we can't afford for the backward - looking Fabian variety to dominate again.

It is characterized by social liberalism [1] and combines ideas of civil liberty and equality with support for social justice and a mixed economy.

In Europe, this social liberalism is closer to European Social democracy although the original form is advocated by some liberal parties in Europe as well, as with the Beveridge Group faction within the Liberal Democrats (United Kingdom), Liberals (Sweden), Danish Social Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for exsocial liberalism is closer to European Social democracy although the original form is advocated by some liberal parties in Europe as well, as with the Beveridge Group faction within the Liberal Democrats (United Kingdom), Liberals (Sweden), Danish Social Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for exSocial democracy although the original form is advocated by some liberal parties in Europe as well, as with the Beveridge Group faction within the Liberal Democrats (United Kingdom), Liberals (Sweden), Danish Social Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for exSocial Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for example.

In contrast, Cameron's ethical language of social life has resonated amongst many who in the past would never have considered voting for the economic liberalism of Thatcherism.»

The Lib - Dems are not liberals but Fabian social therapists The Conservatives have long been the main home of British liberalism and some Tory MPs are looking hopefully to the «Orange Book», published in 2004 by a group of liberals including Nick Clegg, David Laws and Vince Cable to «reclaim» liberalism for the Lib - Dems.