Sentences with phrase «ukip support»

True, the UK Independence Party (UKIP) was and continues to be vehemently climate skeptic / denialist, but with Brexit now underway, and with Conservatives coopting some of their anti-immigration rhetoric, UKIP support has now cratered.

The poll suggests an increase in UKIP support on the back of the EU summit, the child fostering row and the coverage of Michael Fabricant's calls for a Con - UKIP pact.

The large majority of UKIP support comes from former / potential tory voters (but I do concede they get a disproportionately large no.

These were months when Ukip support swelled in the aftermath of electoral successes in, respectively, the county council and European elections.

UKIP support remains firm — even following what Farage regarded as a disastrous conference.

The generational pattern of UKIP support is striking.

At the weekend four online polls showed Ukip support in the high teens, but a new Populus poll showed Ukip on 10 %.

It may also suggest that Ukip support is in part a protest vote exercised in relatively unimportant local elections and that this support dissipates once the protest has been registered.

Lib Dems will be concerned at the absence of any sign in the ICM poll that their overall vote is picking up, despite the decline in Ukip support.

The recent fallback in UKIP support has been accompanied by a boost in Conservative poll shares, and an improvement in Tory mood.

Also, as has been suggested, the UKIP support which came really only from Avonmouth could have come more from Labour.

The only fault was an overstatement of UKIP support.

ConHome continually ignores the evidence of the polls (cf: PoliticalBetting's recent article showing falling ukip support from all three main pollsters) and actual votes (Horsham, Bromley).

Fox might have added to his recent cooments that as well as the Labour Party being delighted by growing UKIP support, his own leadership chances too are thereby boosted.

I do not believe a fifth of voters in Great Yarmouth gave UKIP their support simply because they support their views on Europe.

But Downing Street will argue the prime minister's tough stance towards the EU has already dented Ukip support.

UKIP support surged, and the BBC's projected national share of the vote suggests they would have scored 17 % in a Britain - wide election.

It could help boost UKIP support due to the obvious absurdity of facing imprisonment for not using metric.

He notes that UKIP support stands at only 1.5 % in recent Populus surveys and that the «the real danger for the Tories is among former Labour and LibDem supporters who might return to their earlier party loyalties if they conclude that Mr Cameron is not providing a strong enough lead or clear enough direction.»

Ukip support is highly distinctive in that it is concentrated in areas of unemployment and retirement.

The online / phone poll contrast in terms of UKIP support seems to be alive and well, with the last three phone polls from MORI, ICM and Ashcroft giving UKIP scores of 9, 9 and 11 respectively, but online polls continuing to show them in the teens.

I suspect that those who sympathise with Hannan within the Conservative party way outnumber the total core UKIP support these days.

Fabian pamphlet says Ukip support stems from deep disillusionment with Westminster, and urges handing of more power to local communities

In constituencies where there are large amounts of 2010 Lib Dem «don't knows» — such as these — and there are not complications such as a very high level of UKIP support (who had little or no 2010 support and so distorts the UKIP figure) we agree with this strategy — so let's do just what ICM suggest — and see just what would have happened had ICM used their usual methodology:

In Scotland and Wales the Conservative, Labour, Liberal Democrat, and UKIP support the Union.

Research from the Fabian Society predicts that Labour may lose five seats to UKIP and has identified 16 seats «that may turn blue» because of UKIP support.

But Labour grew complacent as a result and even assumed that UKIP support could only serve to harm the Tories.

It found UKIP support in the European elections at 2 %.

But the real problem for the existing parties is the third factor at work — namely, that there are a host of battleground seats where Ukip support is large enough to have a decisive impact, even if the party comes nowhere near winning.

According to the Survation poll, a surge in Ukip support has seen them rise to 21 per cent, eight points clear of Labour, who seem destined for a humiliating fourth place.

Linked to age, there has been a shift in the pattern of Ukip support by housing tenure.

Polling evidence consistently confirms that in recent elections the largest part of UKIP support is coming from former Tory voters.

There is a strong relationship between actual and potential UKIP support and support for Leave, and the geographic distribution of support for Leave and Remain — reflecting these differences — has been widely documented elsewhere.

Professor Jane Green highlights the transmission of UKIP support from the European Parliament election to the 2015 general election.

A Remain vote will strengthen UKIP support considerably.

In this blog we develop a better understanding of the sources and implications of UKIP support by looking back over a longer time period.

This research — the biggest ever survey of UKIP support and potential support, involving a poll of more than 20,000 people and fourteen focus groups with UKIP voters and «considerers» — defines the UKIP temptation.

The Liberal Democrats oppose a like - for - like replacement of Trident, the SNP is committed to a Scotland free of nuclear weapons, Plaid Cymru and the Green party call for Trident to be scrapped, the Conservatives and Ukip support retaining Trident, while Labour appears to have no explicit policy.

The leadership election was triggered after leader Paul Nuttall quit following a year in which Ukip support plummeted.

Certainly, Labour constituencies see fairly high levels of UKIP support (notably at the recent Heywood & Middleton by - election), suggesting there is credence to the argument that Labour is losing its disaffected traditional and typically working class voters to UKIP.

In most other marginal seats, the Tory vote is being ebbed away by a combination of both this Labour rise, Lib Dem collapse and the post-2010 surge in UKIP support.

The Conservatives have pulled level with Labour following a massive drop in Ukip support, according to a monthly Guardian / ICM poll.

Polls suggest that UKIP support has risen steadily since the general election from 3 % in 2010 to 11.5 % now, with a 4 % rise since last year.

42 % of UKIP supporters say they will definitely vote for their party which is a big enough figure to worry the Conservatives and make a mockery of those who hope that UKIP support will return closer to the 3.5 % they picked up in 2010 by the time of the next election.

So it is unsurprising that UKIP support in the polls comes much more from former Conservative voters than from Labour or the Liberal Democrats.

On Saturday night, Robert Ford, who co-authored a recent academic analysis of Ukip support with Matthew Goodwin, Revolt on the Right, said the findings raised new questions about next year's general election, and suggest Ukip could be even more of a threat in subsequent ones.

Is there evidence that UKIP support is channelled by local concerns about the influx of immigrants?

How well do levels of immigration among these groups correspond with UKIP support?

A few months later, Carswell told The House magazine that Farage's campaign strategy at the last election cost Ukip support.

The Conservatives will be hoping to defend as many councils as possible against both, but could find their performance hampered by Ukip support.