Sentences with phrase «when evangelical leaders»

I get angry when evangelical leaders show more concern for protecting the powerful at Sovereign Grace Ministries than protecting vulnerable children.
And when Evangelical leaders regard an emphasis on the ordinary means of grace as jeopardizing the Christian faith while going easy on, for example, serious deviations from Nicene teaching on the Trinity, they have traveled a long way from the concerns of the Reformers.

Not exact matches

When the Penn State scandal broke, prominent evangelical leaders were very, very quick to call for accountability, to call for change.
Andy Stanley, a prominent evangelical leader, said some in his congregation cheered when he launched a preaching series called «Recovery Road» to talk about politically touchy issues such as personal greed, the federal deficit and the sins of subprime loans.
Jerry Falwell Jr. surely didn't expect the fallout he received when he introduced Donald Trump to a gathering of evangelical leaders in New York City in late June.
Evangelical leaders constantly warn that young people are deserting churches; pastors struggle to address changing views on homosexuality; and others wonder how evangelicals can remain relevant when a growing number of Americans refuse to identify with any religion.
I actually do a presentation when I seek to explain the modern evangelical movement, particularly to movement leaders here in the United States or to missionaries who have been out of the country for a long time.
That's exactly what most evangelical leaders (very few of whom supported either Trump or Clinton when the election began) advise.
And I speak up when a few vocal evangelical leaders say hateful things about LGBT people or encourage bullying or condone misogyny because I feel like I have this investment in the community and it's important for those invested in the community to speak up when its leaders are hurting our witness to the world... But I'm not sure I can do that anymore.
In 1987, Peter Gillquist, a former leader in Campus Crusade for Christ, and 200 others in a single evangelical congregation made national headlines when they were chrismated (or confirmed) into the Antiochian Orthodox Church.
In their early days, when the Emergent Church was vying with the new Calvinism for pole position in the American evangelical world, they launched regular, and often very thorough, critiques of the Emergent leaders.
In other words, evangelical leaders were willing to speak about the issue when it was unpopular to many conservatives (this is another reason why Christians should not be seen as a wing of any political party; they must speak prophetically as needed on issues).
But there was a time when many evangelical and conservative Christian men spoke loudly and clearly against sexual exploitation by a political leader.
«This thing» to which he refers began in the 1990s when a group of young evangelical leaders initiated a conversation (they still prefer to call it a «conversation» rather than a movement») about renewing the church for mission in a postmodern world.
When you read the narrative, what Balmer means by Religious Right is really a coalition of leaders and organizations within the evangelical world who have sought to organize evangelical voters along a particular set of issues.
Some ugly and foolish thoughts expressed in slovenly language were put forth by President Ronald Reagan when, during a 1982 conference with some eastern Carribean leaders, he called Marxism a «virus»; when, in 1983, he labeled the Soviet Union an «evil empire,» telling the assembled National Association of Evangelicals in Orlando, Florida, that communism «is the focus of evil in the modern world» and that «we are enjoined by Scripture and the Lord Jesus to oppose it with all our might»; and when, while conferring in 1984 with 19 conservative and religious leaders, he vowed to fight the «communist cancer.»
In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.
Sadly, in many cases, when it comes to restoring a fallen leader, the offender's depiction of evangelical denominational or church discipline, feels more like John 19 where the Jewish leaders request for all the men next to Jesus on the cross to «have the legs broken [as well].»
Argentina's evangelical leaders were just as surprised as anyone when Jorge Mario Bergoglio, former archbishop of Buenos Aires, was revealed Wednesday as the new Pope Francis.
The Graham story was a mainstay of Bush's 2000 presidential campaign, when Bush strenuously courted evangelical leaders and voters.
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