Sentences with phrase «abortion decision of»

The clearest example of a deliberate adoption of one value at the expense of another, a judicial resolution that continues to distort public choice and moral discourse, may be found in the 1973 abortion decision of Roe v. Wade.

Not exact matches

The suit was brought against the Department of Health and Human Services by March for Life, a group that holds annual marches in Washington, D.C. opposing the 1973 Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision that legalized abortions in the U.S..

Perhaps the most politically volatile coming Supreme Court case is Whole Woman's Health v. Lakey, which will decide whether dozens of abortion clinics throughout Texas can remain open — a decision that probably will affect other conservative states that have in recent years imposed harsh restrictions on abortion clinics.

The response was too little, too late, and it did virtually nothing to quell accusations that the decision to defund Planned Parenthood was motivated by its new vice president, Karen Handel, a staunch opponent of abortion.

The Roe decision created an absolute right to abortion during the first trimester of pregnancy and allowed only for very limited regulation of abortion even late in pregnancy.

By respecting equally the life of the unborn child and the life of the mother, by supporting notification and consent before an abortion involving a minor, by offering ministries to reduce unintended pregnancy, by affirming (and encouraging church support of) crisis pregnancy centers, and by urging family counsel in decision - making about abortion, the additional language is decisively pro-life.

If indeed choices «central to personal dignity and autonomy» are what lie at the heart of the liberty protected by due process of law, how can it be said that a terminally ill person's decision to end his or her life is any less «intimate and personal» than the decision to have an abortion?

Before the 1970s, evangelicals voted as often for Democrats as for Republicans, but in the wake of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, a Supreme Court decision ending prayer in public schools, and the legalisation of abortion in 1973, the Republican Party recognised an opportunity to build a new coalition of Christian conservatives upset with the cultural changes sweeping the country.

I've heard some Christians claim that their decision to forego an abortion that's for a woman's health, or kicking their gay kid out of the house were the product of prayer, that these were «hard answers», but still ones that required obedience because they came from God.

After two lower court decisions blocked the release of an undercover video that allegedly shows abortion providers engaging in illegal sale of aborted baby tissue, the Supreme Court has killed...

I often meet abortion rights advocates who honestly thought that the national controversy over abortion would simply melt away within a few years of the Roe v. Wade decision legalizing abortion, handed down by the U.S. Supreme Court in 1973.

The Supreme Court's decision upholding a ban on partialbirth abortions, Gonzales v. Carhart, «is a significant step in the right direction — moving away from the infamous «abortion distortion» in Supreme Court jurisprudence and bringing their interpretation of abortion law more in line with other fields of law».

Slightly more than half (54 %) of white evangelicals, according to the Pew Research Center study, favor completely overturning the 1973 Supreme Court decision that affirmed a woman's right to have an abortion.

The issues of abortion for or against are personal decisions.

In her eyes, by running ahead of the people, the now - infamous 1973 decision gave «opponents of access to abortion a target to aim at relentlessly.»

Suffice it to say that I believe the morality of a given abortion decision is subject to the competing interests present in that particular situation (e.g. life of the mother, incest, ra - pe, severe defects, severe economic hardship to already existing siblings, etc, v. abortion as birth control, pure personal convenience, etc).

On the 40th anniversary of Roe v. Wade, the Supreme Court's 1973 decision legalizing abortion, Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg announced her misgivings about the ruling.

It is comparable to the arrogance of the Supreme Court in the 1992 Casey decision, when it declared that not the Court but the character of the nation is being «tested» by whether or not it follows the Court's five - to - four edict in support of the abortion license.

As I noted before, the morality of a decision to terminate a pregnancy, IMHO, turns on a host of legitimate competing interests (e.g. life of the mother, ra - pe, incest, deprivations to already existing siblings v. abortion as birth control, pure convenience, etc).

Sunday marked the 39th anniversary of the decision, and the abortion question is anything but settled.

Abortion - particularly the Supreme Court's 1973 decision in Roe v. Wade that women have a constitutional right to an abortion - played a key role in building the new alliance among conservatives of different denominations, GalstAbortion - particularly the Supreme Court's 1973 decision in Roe v. Wade that women have a constitutional right to an abortion - played a key role in building the new alliance among conservatives of different denominations, Galstabortion - played a key role in building the new alliance among conservatives of different denominations, Galston said.

The CNN debate opened with discussions on economic issues, but later veered toward faith - based matters like the role of religion in candidates» decision making, abortion, gay marriage — and how the United States ought to treat Muslims living within its borders.

Indeed, the academic evidence is clear that involving parents in all aspects of the decision - making process (including whether a minor receives an abortion) actually promotes adolescent sexual health.

Since the decision of the Supreme Court of Canada in R. v. Morgentaler (1988) holding even relatively minor criminal code restrictions on abortion contrary to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (on similar» and similarly spurious» grounds as those of the U.S. Supreme Court in Roe v. Wade), Canada has been without restrictions on abortion.

It took him a few days before he released a statement on the recent Supreme Court decision Whole Woman's Health v. Hellerstedt, which struck down Texas legislation requiring better regulation of abortion facilities.

«This lawsuit, should it be upheld on appeal and in the Supreme Court, would become the «Roe v. Wade» of same - sex «marriage,»» said Family Research Council President Tony Perkins, referring to the 1973 decision that legalized abortion.

In the light of a controversial legal decision, Lucinda Van der Hart looks at the rise of gender - selective abortion in the UK.

Leaving aside for the moment the prochoice arguments in favor of the abortion liberty, it is clear that great science - based industries, trajectories of medical experimentation, and perhaps the profession of bioethics itself rest in large part upon the settlement articulated in Roe v. Wade and related decisions.

The same Americans are not in agreement on what that perception of reality should mean in terms of abortion law, but, if we believe in a society governed by democratic discourse and decision, that perception of reality and the consideration of its legal ramifications can not be ruled out of order.

My cautious hope, then, is that this decision gives Roberts the psychological and political leeway needed to lead the Court in unwinding once and for all our unjust, abhorrent regime of legally sanctioned and publicly celebrated abortion.

In 1966 pro-choice activist Lawrence Lader published a book entitled Abortion, in which he anticipated the essentials of the reasoning behind the 1973 Roe v. Wade decision.

The lobbying efforts of this group contributed to the liberalization of abortion laws in the State of New York before Roe v. Wade, and no doubt had an indirect effect on that decision itself.

But the right is nonetheless at the heart of the 1973 Supreme Court decision in Roe v. Wade that permitted elective abortion in our society.

In upholding the abortion license in the Casey decision, a plurality opinion of Justices Souter, O'Connor, and Kennedy called upon pro-life Americans to stop their resistance to legalized abortion and accept «a common mandate rooted in the Constitution.»

The grandparents of today who accepted this consent with relief became in some cases the «condoning generation» with regard to abortion in difficult cases with the result that many mothers today, even within our own community, carry the burden of a decision that was sold to them as a solution to their problem pregnancy.

It discusses the fear that can be in the driving seat in an abortion decision and looks at the suppression and denial that frequently follow such a decision, both symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder which, thankfully, is increasingly recognised.

In the biggest Supreme Court case on abortion rights of the past 25 years, the Supreme Court struck down Texas» tight regulations on abortion clinics in a 5 - 3 decision.

Lastman takes a brave look at the inner forum too: the violation of our conscience, the mental processing involved in making an abortion decision and the de-humanising language we often employ as a society to assuage our conscience.

Given access to abortion or gene therapy the decision could be made to eliminate this fault of nature.

«Why,» I asked, «did you and so many other constitutional lawyers stop criticizing the Court's abortion decisions after most of you had been highly critical of Roe v. Wade?»

One of our major issues in abortion and decisions on its use are not made rationally they are made by some because of religious beliefs (remember about the wars).

The Democratic Party strongly and unequivocally supports Roe v. Wade and a woman's right to make decisions regarding her pregnancy, including a safe and legal abortion, regardless of ability to pay.

«Federal taxpayer subsidies are helping pay for over 1,000 health plans that cover abortion on demand, and [last week's] Supreme Court decision underscores that only Congress can put a stop to that,» said Carol Tobias, president of National Right to Life Committee (NRLC).

«This decision again demonstrates the need for enactment of the No Taxpayer Funding for Abortion Act, which would permanently prevent taxpayer subsidies for abortion - covering health plans, both in ObamaCare and in other federal health benefits programsAbortion Act, which would permanently prevent taxpayer subsidies for abortion - covering health plans, both in ObamaCare and in other federal health benefits programsabortion - covering health plans, both in ObamaCare and in other federal health benefits programs.»

And where else but in the agonized decision over abortion are women given a unique opportunity to face the frailty and finitude of human life?

Bork surveys a long and depressing series of decisions - on free speech, pornography, contraception, abortion, sexual equality, etc. - in which the Supreme Court, claiming the authority of the Constitution, has taken public policy out of the hands of the people and their elected representatives.

In its 1992 Casey decision the Court said that the country faces a «crisis of legitimacy» if the people fail to follow the Court in upholding the present abortion license.

And I have yet to hear of an abortion advocate who has rectified, by suicide, his parents» decision not to abort him, or who even argues, in acknowledgement of the burdens his childhood imposed on his parents, that they should have aborted him.

Carefully distinguishing the termination of a planned pregnancy from the abortions of «other» women, Christians are seeking theological justification for their decisions to terminate disabled fetuses.

Here's what Dr. Gruber wrote, describing his research into the economic effects of the abortion license imposed on the United States in the 1973 Supreme Court decision, Roe v. Wade: