Sentences with phrase «abortion rights at»

Rubinkam's piece paints a fair picture of how Casey revolutionized the movement against abortion rights at the state level, restricting Roe v. Wade.

They included his 1983 inaugural, his famous keynote address at the 1984 Democratic National Convention in San Francisco, a talk at Yale University in 1985, and of course, his defense of abortion rights at the University of Notre Dame that defined how «Cuomo wrestled with his Catholicism even as he became richly tied to its intellectual traditions and spiritual message.»

NARAL Pro-Choice NY is stepping up its crusade against the GOP attorney general candidate, Staten Island DA Dan Donovan, releasing a Web video and a site that paints him as the next in a line of attorneys general outside New York that have sought to limit abortion rights at the state level.

The Court's own case law shows that in order to maintain the abortion right at the level of fundamental law, many other sectors of the states» legal order, at both statutory and common law, need to be altered: family law, marriage law, laws regulating the medical profession, and, as we now see with the recent circuit court decisions, criminal laws prohibiting private use of lethal force.

Not exact matches

«Brazil and other countries in Latin America are really good examples of what it looks like when you set up barriers to access for abortions,» said Mónica Arango, Regional Director for Latin America and the Caribbean at the Center for Reproductive Rights.

And she has enough funny epithets at the ready to skewer everything from abortion rights restrictions to Seattle's controversial sports arena.

Consider, a protester's right to camp out by the very same facilities and shout anti-abortion slogans at patients is guaranteed by the Constitution — so why shouldn't an advocacy group have the right to serve those same would - be patients an ad declaiming abortion or offering alternatives to it?

We can therefore say that the right of religious hospitals to object to performing abortions, which is rooted in their right to free exercise of their religion, is at best on hold in Alaska.

Even the vaunted right to abortion, both claimed and exercised at extraordinary rates, did not seem to mitigate the misery of millions of these women after the sexual revolution.

These considerations are made even more relevant because of present United States commitments to international treaties on human rights, which could conceivably, at some time, put United States positive laws relating to abortion and the judges who implement them at variance with and in violation of a future international consensus on that issue.»

One night, at a ladies» evening out, the subject of abortion came up; and I overheard Jennifer admit that she really didn't know much about the legal background to abortion rights.

They glossed over the abortion findings, too, which will have found abortion rights support lower for millenials at the same age as the previous couple of generations.

HobbySloppy has the right NOT to pay for abortion pill IF they PAY their employees for the efforts of making babies while at work

Other readers took offense at some pastors in the article who declared that Obama couldn't be a Christian because he never talked about being «born again» and he supported same - sex marriage and abortion rights.

And you would be right, but as Robby notes, «The impulse to crush the rights of conscience... to ensure conformity with what have become key tenets of the liberal faith (abortion, «sexual freedom,» «same - sex marriage») is the authoritarian impulse» at work.

In 1992, in the Casey opinion which confirmed America's unlimited abortion licence, Kennedy wrote that «at the heart of liberty is the right to define one's own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life»....

U.N. experts in Geneva were at it again last week telling the Holy See that Catholic teaching on abortion is a human rights abuse, revealing a chasm between the Church's understanding of its mission and how U.N. officials perceive it.

It was the Catholic Church that launched National Right to Life and the rhetoric of Jerry Falwell that compelled Christians across the nation to keep abortion at the forefront of their agenda.

He may also be faced with incomprehension and hostility when he tries to persuade the school not to support «Red Nose Day» or «Jeans for Genes»; when he suggests that asking pupils to stand at the front of the class and shout out the names of intimate body parts is an invasion of their modesty; when he objects to the non-Catholic geography teacher's presentation of solutions for over-population, the «gay rights» agenda seeping in through text books, the chaplaincyco - ordinator's failure to get abortion agency leaflets removed from the library, or the school nurse's distribution of cards with information on how to get the morning - after pill.

And the Christian community woke up — the Southern Baptists at the time, we sometimes forget, were in favor of abortion rights and supported Roe.

Consequently, the right to abortion can only be purchased at the price of abandoning natural rights and replacing it with the will to power.

(Examples, in addition to the statements on abortion cited above, include a 1970 LCA statement on ecology, a 1979 UCC statement on human rights and at least two statements by the National Council of Churches — a 1979 statement on energy and a 1986 statement on genetic science.)

But the right is nonetheless at the heart of the 1973 Supreme Court decision in Roe v. Wade that permitted elective abortion in our society.

Whether the issue has been abortion, or euthanasia, or «gay rights,» the courts have taken steps that were noticeable even at the time as novel and portentous.

Nor do the editors of America mention that Mrs. Clinton and her allies insist that the unlimited abortion license, «at home and abroad,» is a nonnegotiable part of their understanding of women's rights.

Throughout the 1980s and into the 1990s, she remained an ardent supporter of abortion rights and worked for a time at a Dallas women's clinic where abortions were performed.

This perspective unmistakably reveals the unwholesomeness, not to put it more strongly, of our way of life: our obsession with sex, violence, and the pornography of «making it;» our addictive dependence on drugs, «entertainment,» and the evening news; our impatience with anything that limits our sovereign freedom of choice, especially with the constraints of marital and familial ties; our preference for «nonbinding commitments;» our third - rate educational system; our third - rate morality; our refusal to draw a distinction between right and wrong, lest we «impose» their morality on us; our reluctance to judge or be judged; our indifference to the needs of future generations, as evidence by our willingness to saddle them with a huge national debt, an overgrown arsenal of destruction, and a deteriorating environment; our unsated assumption, which underlies so much of the propaganda for unlimited abortion, that only those children born for success ought to be allowed to be born at all.

But on the cutting edge issues of abortion rights, gay rights, and the right to die, they speak at best with a divided voice.

There are, on the other hand, people who oppose abortion at any stage and those who regard it as a right at any stage up to the moment of birth.

So lets say, for theoretical purposes, that an abortion was conducted right at that point (this is a theoretical moral argument only).

The abortion fight has also been running hotter, with the Komen Foundation cutting funding for breast cancer screenings at Planned Parenthood, only to reverse course a few days later under tremendous pressure from supporters of abortion rights.

Listen to hypocritical believers screaming to deny gays equal rights or pretending the Bible EVER mentions abortion while they are yelling at pro-choice people in front of doctors» offices.

The real debate is not should abortion be allowed, it should only be at what point during pregnancy should we consider the embryo human and thus extending it human rights.

And even more fundamentally, if we are bearers of inviolable dignity and a basic right to life in virtue of our humanity, and not in virtue of accidental qualities such as age, or size, or stage of development or condition of dependency --- if, in other words, we believe in the fundamental equality of human beings --- how can a right to abortion (where «abortion» means performing an act whose purpose is to cause fetal death) be defended at all?

For all that, I'm surprised at how many (not all of course) young people I've met who have strong center - right instincts on issues like abortion, taxes, and entitlement reform.

He quoted Bishop Samuel Aquila of Fargo, North Dakota, who said at the time, «Catholics who support so - called «abortion rights» support a false right, promote a culture of death and are guarded by the father of lies.»

As Jonathan Dudley observes in a recent Belief Blog post, U.S. Catholic leaders began to take on abortion right after Roe v. Wade legalized it in 1973, but American evangelical leaders continued to teach that life begins at birth until the late 1970s and early 1980s.

The goal is to allow the coexistence of the most contradictory interpretations: maternity, contraception or abortion; voluntary sterilisation or in - vitro fertilisation; sexual relations within or outside marriage, at any age, under any circumstance, as long as one abides by the triple precept of the new ethic: the partners» consent; their health security; and respect for the woman's right to choose.Reproductive health is the Trojan horse of the abortion lobby and of the global sexual revolution.

3 Incidentally, questions about abortion should not, I think, enter in at all here, since the question as to whether abortion is right or wrong depends on whether one believes that killing is ever justified.

So gay rights, legal marijuana, that is secular morality, but you are correct — Christians now days just play at it — they get abortions, live together, smoke pot — in most cases church is just a social club especially among Catholics.

JOPLIN, Mo. — Three years ago, the Molina family sat at their kitchen table and decided to take a moral stand: They would no longer patronize any company which had connection to abortions, homosexual rights, pornography or any other objectionable cause.

But look at the polls: The public appears to be moving right on abortion — still, as it has long been, the top social issue.

In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.

Responding to a recent piece by Anne Hendershott on the decision of Cardinal Sean O'Malley not to attend the commencement at Boston College because Irish prime minister (and abortion - rights advocate) Enda Kenny was selected for an honorary degree and address to the graduates, a letter - writer....

However, since that time, dedicated abortion advocates have asserted abortion as a reproductive right so thoroughly at the international level that the term is no longer understood to include that limitation.

Unfortunately, at this formative stage in their lives one viewpoint is pushed to the fore on campus, and that's the opinion that euthanasia, abortion, embryonic stem cell research and a host of other practices which strip humans of their most fundamental right are good things.

What is at stake is a post-Enlightenment, rights - based ethic that tends to objectify fetal life at a very early stage, reducing the abortion dilemma to a conflict of rights — some favoring those of the fetus, some favoring those of the woman.

A problem that has vexed Catholics and others in the pro-life movement, however, is the question whether it is legitimate to support a less than perfectly protective legislative proposal restricting abortion, euthanasia, and like injustices, when the only politically realistic alternative at the moment is a proposal that is even less protective of the rights of the unborn, elderly, or handicapped.

But not the slightest question is raised as to whether Mrs. Sadik (whose plans to have abortion declared a universal human right were derailed by the Holy See at Cairo) might not have an axe to grind in her «reconstruction» of her meeting with the Pope.

The battle cry is this war was notoriously formulated by Justice Kennedy in the Casey decision upholding the abortion license in America: «At the heart of liberty is the right to define one's own concept of existence, of meaning, of the universe, and of the mystery of human life.»