Not exact matches
It seems to make more sense for Republicans to focus policy proposals
on parental rights and restrictions
on late - term
abortion while noting that - whatever their ultimate beliefs - some
abortion restrictions are very unlikely to happen
in any foreseeable future while third trimester
abortion on -
demand is a reality.
the person being voted for by these individuals probably does have the right scientific markings like, no God,
abortion on demand no matter how late
in term, good
in business and stealing (er) expropriating for personal gain, cheating
on your mate, etc, etc. 2nd.
So
in a country
in which third trimester
abortions are legal
on -
demand, our
abortion discussion centers
on questions like «So why are you against the removal of a tiny clump of rapist - produced cells?»
Brown eyes could be next, or blue; there's no reason
in the theory of
abortion -
on -
demand why not.
One thing making traditionalists of these young Americans, at least according to some of them, is the fact of their having grown up
in a world characterized by
abortion on demand.
If both sides can agree
on a common objective — to reduce the
demand for
abortions, maybe we can do something to make a difference
in people's lives while we disagree over the larger issue.
«
In disputed concrete questions like
abortion or euthanasia,» Küng tells us, we can learn from Walzer that «no unifying
demands should be made
on other nations, cultures or religions to have the same moral praxis.»
The UN bureaucrats, Scandinavian politicos, Clinton Administration «global affairs» mavens, radical environmentalists, feminists, and population controllers who planned the conference intended it to be nothing less than the Great Cairo Turkey Shoot: a political slaughter
in which the enemies of «individual autonomy,» «sustainable growth,» «global carrying capacity,» «reproductive rights,» «gender equity,»
abortion -
on -
demand, and the sexual revolution would be utterly, decisively routed.
In Abuse of Discretion, the latest book lobbed at the unsteady edifice of Roe v. Wade, Clarke D. Forsythe turns to the Supreme Court justices» private notes and memos from 1971 to 1973 in order to «solve the puzzle» of the court's legalization of abortion on deman
In Abuse of Discretion, the latest book lobbed at the unsteady edifice of Roe v. Wade, Clarke D. Forsythe turns to the Supreme Court justices» private notes and memos from 1971 to 1973
in order to «solve the puzzle» of the court's legalization of abortion on deman
in order to «solve the puzzle» of the court's legalization of
abortion on demand.
More than any other question
in public dispute,
abortion on demand is the core commitment of the American establishment.
Abortion on demand, throughout the full nine months of a pregnancy, for virtually any reason, became public policy
in the United States of America.
The insistence by supporters of
abortion on demand that only «wanted children» be allowed to be born has not improved our infant mortality rates, which have remained among the worst
in the industrialized world; nor has it helped us cope effectively with the incidence of child abuse, the frequency and severity of which have increased dramatically during this time.
Liberty and Sexuality is his account of how
abortion on demand came to enjoy the protection of the United States Constitution and of why Harry Blackmun's rationale for individual autonomy (especially
in matters sexual) should be retained and expanded.
Finally, there was Harold O. J. Brown, commenting
in Christianity Today:» [Francis] Shaeffer asks whether Evangelicalism can tolerate
in its fellowship those who are unwilling to condemn
abortion on demand; [likewise] the inerrancy group is asking whether it can tolerate within its leadership those who will not affirm inerrancy» («Assessing the Church of the 1970s: A Decade of Flux?
We're
in the way of
abortion -
on -
demand, euthanasia, and doctor - assisted suicide.
In 1962 only 10 per cent of the population supported what is now called «
abortion on demand.»
In this area, as in others, a better approach would be to show the damage artificial contraception causes such as increased immorality, strains on marriage due to impossible demands regarding sexual gratification, increased abortion, legitimisation of homosexuality, sexualization of children, procreation without sex (e.g. IVF) and the moral decline and confusion experienced by protestant churches since they allowed artificial contraceptio
In this area, as
in others, a better approach would be to show the damage artificial contraception causes such as increased immorality, strains on marriage due to impossible demands regarding sexual gratification, increased abortion, legitimisation of homosexuality, sexualization of children, procreation without sex (e.g. IVF) and the moral decline and confusion experienced by protestant churches since they allowed artificial contraceptio
in others, a better approach would be to show the damage artificial contraception causes such as increased immorality, strains
on marriage due to impossible
demands regarding sexual gratification, increased
abortion, legitimisation of homosexuality, sexualization of children, procreation without sex (e.g. IVF) and the moral decline and confusion experienced by protestant churches since they allowed artificial contraception.
There are some proposals that
demand a «line
in the sand» position, namely:
abortion expansion, the oxymoron «same sex marriage» and the war
on law abiding gun owners (e.g. SAFE).
In essence, Sen Diaz is correct to call that «
abortion -
on -
demand.»
The New York State Legislature is currently considering the Reproductive Health Act (S - 348), which Democrats say would bring New York up to current federal reproductive health standards, but has also raised red flags
in the minds of many Republcans and anti-
abortion activists for ambiguities of language they claim would expand
abortion -
on -
demand.
Since reunification, women
in eastern Germany could have
abortions on demand during the first three months of pregnancy.
The New York
abortion -
on -
demand law passed
in April 1970 is the most liberal with virtually no restrictions other than that the
abortion must be performed by a licensed physician within the first 24 weeks of pregnancy.
This law has become,
in effect,
abortion on demand.
Although nominally Catholic himself, Brown has been a passionate supporter of
abortion -
on -
demand in opposition to the Catholic Church's defense of unborn children, and has called himself «an uncompromising champion of a woman's right to choose.»