Thanks for the reminder
about Reagan's comments.
But said lead author Kristofer Covey, a Ph.D. candidate who admitted his friends have been needling
him about the Reagan connection, the methane isn't completely negating the benefit trees, even diseased ones.
The book
about the Reagan years and the press, «On Bended Knee» by Mark Hertsgaard, could well have been written about the G.W. Bush years.
[394][395] While the debate
about Reagan's legacy is ongoing, the 2009 Annual C - SPAN Survey of Presidential Leaders ranked Reagan the 10th greatest president.
HW Bush wasn't speaking in a vacuum, many others in the republican party had doubts
about Reagan.
The Obama people are apparently thinking in terms of 1980, when the majority had turned against Carter but weren't sure
about Reagan — the polls were close only a week before the election, but the public shifted at the last moment as they came to see Reagan as a reasonable alternative.
Jones's assertion is borne out by my own conversations with clergy and executives
about the Reagan administrations economic performance.
All you need is a gun, your God delusion, and some beer while you listen to AM Talk Radio and fantasize
about Reagan and how he was so clever and smart and so much more intelligent than you.
Not exact matches
In working in these three directions, the U.S. policy community would be employing the best sense of Ronald
Reagan's «trust but verify» strategy regarding new information
about the nuclear deal.
«We've gotten
about as much money as we can out of the personal income tax,» says Rudolph Penner, director of the CBO during the
Reagan administration and now a fellow at the Urban Institute.
Outgoing Kohl's CEO Kevin Mansell speaks to CNBC's Courtney
Reagan about the retailer's quarterly earnings, his tenure and legacy, and what he sees for the future of retail.
In 2016, Schwarzenegger's site has only added a few posts: a statement
about Nancy
Reagan's death, a judicial endorsement, and a bunch of plugs for a T - shirt that says, «Come With Me if You Want to Lift.»
I saw the story in the Wall Street Journal Mansion section
about Moraga and realized that I had met the owner 20 or 25 years ago with President
Reagan at a social party, although he wasn't a very political person.
CNBC's Eamon Javers sits down with Rajesh De the Former General Counsel for the National Security Agency; Michele
Reagan the Secretary of State of Arizona; and Mark Testoni the President and CEO of SAP National Security Services to talk
about the concern of foreign interference in this year's presidential election.
The history of government welfare programs is overwhelmingly biased towards expansion; hence, President
Reagan's quote
about a government program being the closest thing to eternal life we will see on earth.
Bannon's language goes beyond
Reagan - era Republican talking points
about cutting regulations and lowering taxes.
The envisioned Trump tax cut is
about the same size relative to the economy as the 1981
Reagan tax cut.
It is worth remembering that
Reagan, hardly a fan of reversing course or raising taxes, found it necessary to propose significant tax increases in 1982 and 1984 (the equivalent in today's economy of $ 3.5 tn over a decade) due to concerns
about federal debt.
US steel output has slumped by
about 35 % since
Reagan took office in 1980, and steel industry employment has fallen by two thirds.
Ronald
Reagan Since inflation has been tame in recent years, it's easy to forget
about it's violent impact.
We'll talk
about the alleged twilight of the
Reagan coalition and all that later.
Rubio has gone from being hailed as a Hispanic Ronald
Reagan, to getting caught misleading conservatives
about and triangulating against his own immigration plan.
All they can offer is nostalgia for simpler days, some deprecatory remarks
about our 24 - hour news cycle, and a forlorn endorsement of shorter memos for the President (the demand for which was, as I recall, widely regarded by critics as a symptom of intellectual vacuity in the
Reagan Adminstration).
When in the 1970s there began to be much discussion
about «mediating structures» and voluntarism, when Ronald
Reagan urged us to rely on government less and on ourselves more, when George Bush talked
about a «thousand points of light,» those of a statist mind - set groused that it was all a scheme to cut back on government social services.
Weigel writes: «Avoiding the really hard questions, O'Brien's Massey Lectures are replete with what cigar - makers call «filler»: ill - informed cracks
about American presidential politics; typically dismissive liberal cliches
about a somnambulant Ronald
Reagan; a strange obsession with the Clinton Administration's «Operation Restore Democracy» in Haiti.
As for Romney — he does seem a little too polished, I does seem to have some political inconsistency... but can't you say the same
about Ronald
Reagan?
He is not above taking a stealthy swipe at Ronald
Reagan from time to time but he reserves his most scathing remarks for those who, as he puts it, «saw nothing strange
about being against both abortion and contraception.»
The
Reagan Presidency as it is talked
about now, is a fantasy, (unless you were very well off at the start of his term).
Reagan did nothing
about abortion.
To young voters,
Reagan seemed to be talking
about the problems that actually existed all around them.
They,
Reagan, and GW brought this economic decline
about int he first place.
It isn't the «liberals» who are so confused
about claims made for Ronald
Reagan.
When Ronald
Reagan became President in 1980, he brought
about an almost complete deregulation of radio and TV.
It's like the GOP pretending to be worried
about our national debt, knowing full well they were responsible for the record deficits under
Reagan and Bush II, and gleefully raised the debt ceiling 13 times under the Former and 7 times under the latter.
It may thus be that Castro's battle fatigues,
Reagan's World War II bomber jacket and cowboy boots, and the operatic uniforms favored by Latin American dictators tell us more
about each man's political views than any number of speeches.
Podhoretz has his own twinges of pride: He writes as if the neoconservatives, those Family members who reacted to the late «60s by moving right rather than left, supplied Ronald
Reagan with everything he needed to think
about communism, although
Reagan often said that the writer who most influenced him was Whittaker Chambers.»
President
Reagan in a telephone conversation with Thomas Dine, Executive Director of the American - Israeli Public Affairs Committee, on October 18, 1983, mused
about Armageddon, the final battle on earth: `... and I find myself wondering if — if we're the generation that's going to see that come
about» (quoted in AG.
The American right wants to return to the 1980s, the
Reagan era of economic dynamism brought
about by the liberalization of the quasi-monopolistic postwar system.
Governments do properly wage war, however, so
Reagan had no qualms
about diverting funds from treatment to interdiction.
Reagan was a master communicator — his effectiveness on television rivaled FDR's mastery of radio — but his charm tended to obscure the fact that he was not teaching
about reality.
First, they both write as if
Reagan's tax cut appeal was entirely
about the economic benefits of cutting marginal tax rates on high - earners.
Listen to Republican candidates talk, and you'll hear a lot
about Ronald
Reagan.
Despite complaints
about «cutbacks» during the
Reagan and Bush years, welfare budgets have in fact grown and grown during the same time that» and this by liberal accounts» poverty has gotten worse and worse.
Reagan is no theocrat and Walter Mondale no secularist, despite what each has implied
about the other.
In describing and accounting for the lives of the Religious Right, which we define simply as religious conservatives with a considerable involvement in political activity, the book and the series tell the story primarily by focusing on leading episodes in the movement's history, including, but not limited to, the groundwork laid by Billy Graham in his relationships with presidents and other prominent political leaders; the resistance of evangelical and other Protestants to the candidacy of the Roman Catholic John F. Kennedy; the rise of what has been called the New Right out of the ashes of Barry Goldwater's defeat in 1964; a battle over sex education in Anaheim, California, in the mid-1960's; a prolonged cultural war over textbooks in West Virginia in the early 1970's — and that is a battle that has been fought less violently in community after community all over the country; the thrill conservative Christians felt over the election of a «born - again» Christian to the Presidency in 1976 and the subsequent disappointment they experienced when they found out that Jimmy Carter was, of all things, a Democrat; the rise of the Moral Majority and its infatuation with Ronald
Reagan; the difficulty the Religious Right has had in dealing with abortion, homosexuality and AIDS; Pat Robertson's bid for the presidency and his subsequent launching of the Christian Coalition; efforts by Dr. James Dobson and Gary Bauer to win a «civil war of values» by changing the culture at a deeper level than is represented by winning elections; and, finally, by addressing crucial questions
about the appropriate relationship between religion and politics or, as we usually put it, between church and state.
But I thought of Bush's idealism as being like
Reagan's affinity for the Thomas Paine quote
about how we can start the world again.
[«In the evangelical Christian subculture, there are three people a girl's got to know
about before she gets her period: 1) Jesus, 2) Ronald
Reagan, and 3) the Proverbs 31 woman.
Hey Joe Sardina... sorry I mean Giardina... what
about all governmets in the business of killing kids, women and supporting dictatorships??? Remember
Reagan??? Does Bush ring a bell?
When the astronauts died on launch, Democrats did not attack
Reagan when he spoke
about the tragedy.
In sheer numbers, it reduced the overseas presence to
about 60 % of what it was when Ronald
Reagan took office.