«This is not just
about desegregation.
«I can't remember the last time anyone in a leadership position said anything
about desegregation,» said Diane Ravitch, an education historian at New York University.
This was in 1960, when Southern whites — growing anxious
about desegregation — looked like they might soon defect from the Democratic party.
Not exact matches
There's also a whole discussion
about the fact that schools that are more racially diverse seem to have more stratification, so the reality of
desegregation isn't what we thought / think it would be.
Paul metropolitan area with enrollments that are less than 10 percent or more than 30 percent minority to adopt plans for bringing
about voluntary
desegregation.
In my last blog, written before taking a summer hiatus, I talked
about Sheff v. O'Neill, a
desegregation case in Connecticut, decided in 1996.
These «findings» by the lower court
about the purported benefits of neighborhood schools were based entirely on the claims of Oklahoma City School District officials, claims which are currently echoed across the country by school districts seeking to be released from their
desegregation orders.
James Ryan, the new dean of the Harvard Graduate School of Education (GSE), argues persuasively that the second most significant ruling
about school
desegregation is Milliken v. Bradley, which the Court decided in 1974.
The report also indicates that controlled choice — a type of voluntary
desegregation that allows parents some choice
about which schools their children will attend — and other
desegregation efforts benefit minority students.
In an article
about Frankenberg's study that was published in The Birmingham News in December, U.W. Clemon, a retired U.S. district court judge who was involved in
desegregation cases in the 1960s, said that as a result of fragmentation, the schools in Jefferson County are «resegregated» today, and not by accident.
Like a growing number of other school districts, Denver is coming to terms with the end of a court
desegregation order that for years profoundly influenced, and often dictated, many of the decisions
about education policy made there.
Today, questions
about the effects of changes in housing patterns and recent Supreme Court decisions that weaken
desegregation efforts remain central to discussions of educational opportunity and racial achievement gaps.
To judge by the quality of the educational evaluation work I know best — on school
desegregation, Comer's School Development Program, and bilingual education — the average quasi-experiment in these fields inspires little confidence in its conclusions
about effectiveness.
«Amid the ceaseless and cacophonous debates
about how to close the achievement gap, we've turned away from one tool that has been shown to work: school
desegregation.
About the Report This report examines a decade of resegregation from the time of the Supreme Court's 1991 Dowell decision, which allowed school districts to declare themselves unitary, end their
desegregation plans, and to return to neighborhood school plans that produce intense segregation and inequality clearly visible in educational opportunities and outcomes.
But it seems clear that passage of the measure, which appears on the state's Nov. 5 ballot as Proposition 209, would raise questions
about a host of programs that public K - 12 schools and colleges offer — from voluntary
desegregation efforts to certain tutoring and outreach programs.
(Listen below to McLean speak
about the difference between
desegregation and integration.)
In an interview, the schools chief talked
about where he differs from Mayor de Blasio, his commitment to
desegregation and his vision for the system.
Columbia University professor Amy Stuart Wells, for example, concluded that the decisions of St. Louis parents participating in a voluntary
desegregation program were based «on a perception that county is better than city and white is better than black, not on factual information
about the schools.»
For the last half - century, just
about every education reform — from
desegregation to school choice — has taken care to keep city and suburban schools and students separate.
«We welcome the court's order, as it rejects the state's bid to resist providing even the most basic information
about how Louisiana's voucher program will affect school
desegregation efforts,» Attorney General Eric Holder said.
In the fight over how to close the racial achievement gap in education, you rarely hear
about the only policy that's ever worked on a national scale:
desegregation.
He has written
about school
desegregation, school choice, standards, education finance, testing, special education and neuroscience, according to the Harvard Graduate School of Education website.
As for the district's complaints
about the difficulties in complying with
desegregation orders, here's an idea: instead of taking money from Tangi students and families who are no longer part of TPSB, learn from them.
Although overshadowed by more spectacular conflicts over
desegregation, community control, and open schooling, the movement in the late 1960s and early 1970s generated more than 70 state laws seeking to create educational accountability and hundreds of articles, pamphlets, and books
about how to create more efficient and accountable educational systems.
To me, it's completely unrelated to the agenda from Brown, which was
about getting equal access to educational opportunities for students — you know, initially through
desegregation, but the heritage of Brown is also a large number of school finance reform lawsuits that have been trying to advocate for equitable resource distribution between districts and schools.
The forced
desegregation brought
about by Brown vs. Board of Education in 1954 meant that inner city whites set up private schools of their own (often in the suburbs) which didn't have to follow the letter of the law.
Bearden made the collage and designed the set for his friend's 1957 same - titled off - Broadway play, a drama
about a South Carolina pastor who fought for
desegregation.