«We're also going to talk this morning
about social reform.
Boyer also doubts that premillennialism went hand in hand with pessimism
about social reform and the outcome of history.
Not exact matches
And, when she describes that change, what she ends up describing is what already more - or-less exists, namely: mainline christianity, embracing the
reformed and the catholic, the scientific and the traditional, which has been doing (never perfectly, to be sure) the sort of deep thinking,
social justice, and disciplined prayer that she talks
about continually while the evangelicals were breaking off to do their own thing (the thing she seems to want them to stop doing) throughout the twentieth century.
, and
social issues (What would Jesus say
about immigration
reform?).
And since every
social reform brought
about by liberalization can be whisked away as «unsubstantiated and meaningless» by your same sheer will that allows you to unassistedly manifest wealth into existence, due tell what conservatism has brought us.
Whereas Orthodoxy made belief (doxa) its starting point, and
Reform Judaism put ethical monotheism atop its theological pedestal, Conservative Judaism's worldview emanated from a specific assumption
about the
social nature of Judaism.
When he was pressed
about Paul Ryan's Medicare
reform plan, he called it right - wing
social engineering.
The mentality that Rauschenbusch deployed to seduce his readers — the turn away from troubling debates
about doctrine, the shift from personal salvation to
social reform, and the reassurance that progressive disdain for traditional religion was in fact a sign of a more authentic and scientific faith — provided a way to remain Christian while setting aside whatever seems incompatible with modern life.
Amy Sherman of the Hudson Institute, who has researched faith - based
social service programs extensively, says that welfare
reform has been a success insofar as it has changed how society thinks
about helping the poor.
The Bay Area study which asked questions
about personal meaning, for example, suggested that the content of different meaning systems was a good predictor of propensities to become involved in or to abstain from various
social reform activities and alternative lifestyles.
Citizens who care
about justice for future generations should demand answers on
Social Security
reform from the presidential candidates.
Growing up in the ebb of the
social gospel, but in a denomination in which that ebb lasted a long time, I can testify that on the whole the persons I encountered who had the greatest fervor
about reforming society were also those who seemed personally to be the most devout Christians.
Morally, then, we can no longer ignore the troublesome issues
about the redistribution of wealth; plans for improvement without accompanying demands for
social and political
reform are a cruel hoax.
As Paul Markhan wrote in an excellent essay
about the phenomenon, young people who identify with this movement have grown weary of evangelicalism's allegiance to Republican politics, are interested in pursuing
social reform and
social justice, believe that the gospel has as much to do with this life as the next, and are eager to be a part of inclusive, diverse, and authentic Christian communities.
There's no application of Catholic
social doctrine to help us think in a disciplined way
about how to respond to environmental threats, or how to
reform global capitalism.
These are not
about reforming people (lest it be those of us who follow Jesus) or
social services, whatever that term may mean.
Without a connection with the religious community and the theological corrective it brings, parachurch activities tend to become either self serving and cynical, or else short cited and naive in their expectations of bringing
about permanent
social reform in our time.
She was also uneasy
about this congregation's heavy emphasis on one's «personal» relationship to Jesus, on her secondary status as a woman, and narrow approach to
social reform.
Several wealthy Evangelicals clustered
about the parish church of Clapham, a suburb of London, and were active in
social reform.
In this slim volume, Tough pulls together decades of
social science research on the impacts of poverty and trauma on kids» brains and behavior, and makes a cogent, convincing argument for why this research should lie at the center of any discussions
about reform.
School food
reform advocates, myself included, are deeply worried
about these developments and we've begun to ratchet up our response to SNA's efforts on
social media.
While the blog was devoted exclusively to the LFTB issue, San Francisco school food reformer Dana Woldow (creator of the immensely useful school food
reform how - to site, PEACHSF.org) wrote two important articles in Beyond Chron
about an issue often discussed here on TLT:
social stigma in the school cafeteria.
That «coalition» approach is underpinned by the 97 - 01 policy agenda of new deal on jobs and windfall tax, minimum wage, devolution and FoI, public services,
social chapter and pro-EU, feminisation of the PLP through shortlists, alongside macroecon stability, aversion to tax rises spoke to a party coalition; the post-01 agenda was arguably rather narrower, with new labour seeming to be
about a particular method of public service
reform.
Despite the welcome and significant changes to the Health &
Social Care Bill that Lib Dem parliamentarians have secured, there remain serious concerns both within the party, Parliament and the medical profession
about the impact and timing of the
reforms.
«Brian has been a leading voice in the fight for comprehensive criminal justice
reform, and has shown a deep commitment to not just talking
about issues of
social justice, but actually delivering results.
«
Reform» will continue, but ministers must talk more
about the
social ends that
reforms serve.
Today I'm going to talk
about how the economic
reform we need to earn our way out of the cost of living crisis, and
social security
reform to ensure the system is fair and affordable, go hand in hand.
He talks to David Brindle
about integration of health and
social care, personalisation and funding
reform
In a damning piece for the Guardian's Comment is Free site today, Mona Sahlin, the Swedish
Social Democratic party leader, says her country is
about to abandon the school
reforms the Tories want to install in Britain.
That is why, through personal budgets, we are pursuing the
reform of our care services; we will be consulting on a green paper on the long - term funding issues for care and for carers; and in the coming months I will say more
about the
reforms needed in both the NHS and our
social care system in order to meet this challenge.
The Welsh Liberal Democrats have criticised the Tory UK Government for delaying a cap on care costs secured by former Lib Dem Care Minister Norman Lamb, following an announcement by the Welsh Government that no decision can be made
about reform of arrangements for paying for
social care and support in Wales.
When people know that others may gossip
about them — and experience the resulting
social exclusion — they tend to learn from the experience and
reform their behavior by cooperating more in future group settings.
You might think they're talking
about current American politics: There is no money in the national treasury for more
social programs like orphanages and vaccinations; The military budget must be cut; The rich are intent on keeping their tax privileges; Members of the legislature continue to beat down all proposed
reforms of the leader; The conditions of the poor are getting worse; Some religious leaders insist that the Earth was created in six literal days; Foreigners must be deported.
When I thought
about Mr. Cassar and his student after the AEI meeting on race,
social justice, and school
reform, I realized I didn't know if that student was black or white.
I told this story to a group of two dozen or so of my fellow ed reformers last week at an American Enterprise Institute convening on «race,
social justice, and school
reform» because I wanted to make two simple (some will say simplistic) points: our expensive and aggressive ed
reform efforts still focus far too little on what kids do in school all day; and we don't all have the same ideas
about what it means to serve the cause of
social justice — or whether it is even appropriate to place
social justice issues at the heart of our efforts to improve outcomes for kids.
Nor, for that matter, is the growing belief that true school
reform is deeply
about social justice.
On Jan. 24, readers questioned three members of the Teacher Leaders Network — Corrina Knight, a 6th grade language arts /
social studies teacher at Salem Middle School in Apex, N.C.; Linda Emm, an educational specialist with Schools of Choice in Miami, and a consultant with the National School
Reform Faculty; and Carolann Wade, the coordinator for national - board certification and liaison for Peace College's teacher education program of the Wake County, N.C., school district —
about their work with teacher - directed professional development.
Class sessions that critiqued notions of
social justice and multiculturalism, raised concerns
about affirmative action or a culture of «victimhood,» advocated phonics and back - to - basics instruction, or were generally positive with regard to testing or choice - based
reform were coded as «right leaning.»
If you see education
reform as a
social justice or civil rights crusade, you will care mightily
about whether every charter is educating its share of kids with disabilities and whether enough «people of color» are running these schools.
Whereas
social scientists have bent themselves out of shape studying the effects of, say, test - based accountability, charter schools, and other «structural»
reforms — and have produced some reasonably solid findings
about what works for whom under what circumstances — curriculum is relatively little studied and what's learned almost never makes the New York Times (or even Education Week).
He led a discussion
about the
reform priorities and policies at the state level and the political and
social context for the
reforms.
Recent studies have shown that merely adding technology to one's curriculumis not enough to bring
about instructional
reform in
social studies education.There is a need for «thoughtful curriculum development, and careful instructionaldesign based on the thorough and on - going explication of assumptions aboutsociety, learners and learning, as these are critical to the productive useof technology as to any other teaching mode» (Shaver, 1999, p. 27).
Arguments
about the detail of education
reform consume a lot of time and energy, especially, in my experience, on
social media.
His research, articles and books provided a blueprint for those interested in bringing
about future
reform in schools and other
social institutions.
A multiracial fightback against the testing industrial complex — one that is explicitly ant - racist and takes up issues of class inequality — has the potential to change the terms of the education
reform debate and envision a world where authentic assessments are used to support students as they engage in classroom inquiry
about how to achieve
social justice.
Think first
about how the dominant policy paradigms in America — tax cuts for the rich, deregulation and budget cuts to
social services — exacerbate inequality and poverty, but also benefit the major corporations that fund the «
reform» movement.
Sarah Darer Littman goes on to explain more
about Malloy's «two - faced» approach when it comes to the issue of «education
reform» and «
social justice
reform.»
Passionate
about social justice and urban education
reform, Nyissia was excited and honored to have the opportunity to return to the Bronx to teach after graduating Magna Cum Laude from Cornell University with majors in American Studies and Spanish and minors in Latin American Studies and Law and Society.
As we demonstrated in our 2015 analysis of the Common Core debate on Twitter, the dispute
about the standards was largely a proxy war over other politically - charged issues, including opposition to a federal role in education, which many believe should be the domain of state and local education policy; a fear that the Common Core could become a gateway for access to data on children that might be used for exploitive purposes rather than to inform educational improvement; a source for the proliferation of testing which has come to oppressively dominate education; a way for business interests to exploit public education for private gain; or a belief that an emphasis on standards
reform distracts from the deeper underlying causes of low educational performance, which include poverty and
social inequity.
Shaver (1999) expressed doubt that technology will ever incite instructional
reform in the
social studies, and Pahl (1996) noted that
social studies educators have been apprehensive
about modifying instruction to incorporate technology.