She points out that wind power is
actually more labour intensive than coal, and requires 2.5 time more units of labour for every MW of electricity produced.
Not exact matches
Some variations in
labour rules aside, the Canadian and U.S. regulatory regimes are
actually more closely aligned than they are with other parts of the world, which is good news for major sharing economy companies.
«Putting progressive elements into trade deals —
labour protections, environmental protections —
actually helps us make the case for trade and reassure people that the benefits of trade will be distributed
more fairly and not just to the small number of people who've always benefited from it in the past.»
So you could argue that the current system is
actually biased against
Labour, and therefore PR will
actually disadvantage
Labour even
more unless rates of voter registration are improved and compulsory voting introduced.
As a rule, they had a bad night: BNP leader Nick Griffin
actually managed to decrease his party's share of the vote in Barking, while Esther Rantzen proved little
more than a sideshow in the Luton South
Labour - Tory struggle.
Labour must reassess what it
actually stands for, and can not simply define itself as a
more progressive and softer round the edges version of Thatcherism.
For all these reasons, I think AV is
actually a very good voting system and I would put the referendum result down to several things — an ineffective Yes campaign (if you typed AV into Google, they didn't even come up on the first page of results), lies and smears spread by the No campaign, the association with Nick Clegg, the split in
Labour over AV and finally, and not insignificantly, the fact that the Electoral Commission sent leaflets to every household containing an overly complex explanation that made AV look
more complex than the insides of a nuclear reactor.
Whilst the economic circumstances might make it
more difficult to
actually implement the New
Labour mantra of increased investment in public services funded by a growing economy, there's little to suggest that the terms of debate in the political centre ground have undergone a paradigm shift such as the one experienced in the post-Thatcherite era.
At first, this does not appear to be a major change in the electoral fortunes of the parties but when we look at the revised national shares, the impact is
more significant as this suggests that
Labour and the Conservatives would be neck and neck in England & Wales rather than the 2.5 point lead the Conservatives
actually had.
I don't put much store in opinion polls, but if true it would only indicate roughly what you would expect to happen at this point in the parliament - 32 % isn't that much lower than
Labour got in the 2005 General Election and all it would suggest is that the Liberal Democrats are having a reversal - tactical voting could see them holding onto many of their current seats, indeed it is even possible that if they got 17 % of the vote that if it focused in an area that they could
actually end up with
more seats, where the switches in support are occuring is crucial - if they are focused then if the Conservative Party were to get 39 % then it might still result in them getting fewer seats than
Labour or in extremis winning a 150 seat majority or so?
I have no doubt that the Conservative Party will make major gains in votes and seats in the next 10 years that will build to their return to power ultimately, but they are a long way off
actually winning a majority and it has to be said that a Hung Parliament now looks
more improbable than at any time since 2001, demographic factors are working against the Conservative Party as well -
Labour seats mostly are held with far lower turnouts which is partly why
Labour can get fewer votes than the Conservatives and end up with an overall majority and far
more seats than the Conservative Party.
While the party had fared especially well in the
more working class parts of the city at the 2009 Local and European elections and the 2011 General Election,
Labour actually fared (slightly) better in the
more middle class Dublin constituencies at the 2014 Local Elections than they did in the
more working class electoral areas.
The useless official campaign run by Johnson was a key cause of the failure to pull out
more Labour votes, although as election guru John Curtice has told us
Labour actually did quite well here.
I get that Corbyn cultists see Blair's great crime being that he
actually won elections and see winning as a sign that you are not pure enough, but on these numbers
Labour can not even mount a credible opposition which means May fears her extreme right
more than she does
Labour, this can only lead to awful things for working people in Britain.
If you look at the cross-tabulation with how people
actually voted though, considerably
more people told Populus they had voted Tory to stop
Labour winning than voted
Labour to stop the Conservatives winning (however some people were obviously confused by the question — 32 said they voted tactically against
Labour, but voted
Labour).
So UKIP is
actually drawing
more support nationally from
Labour than the Conservatives, right?
Despite the fact that even David Miliband estimated that there were no
more than ten
Labour backbenchers who
actually believed in the war, enough ignored their constituents» wishes and any residual principals and voted «yes», simultaneously saving Blair's skin and condemning the Iraqis to years of carnage and chaos.
For all the Conservative party rhetoric about Ken being a lying reptile who'll say anything to get into power, it's
actually the criticism from fellow
Labour people which I find
more convincing.
I'm genuinely finding very few
Labour to Tory switchers and I've
actually found
more Tory to
Labour switchers because of the shipyard, which I was surprised about.»
Labour's drive to register new voters ahead of the election has not had an impact in other targets - the number of voters registered in Newcastle - under - Lyme, a key Tory target, has
actually fallen by
more than 2,000 since 2015.
Actually, I say «infographic», but it's a
more a digital raspberry blown in
Labour's collective face.
[165] It was reported after the election that private pollsters working for the two largest parties
actually gathered
more accurate results, with
Labour's pollster James Morris claiming that the issue was largely to do with surveying technique.
While it is certainly true that far
more people vote for third, fourth and other parties nowadays than in the mid-20th century, some of the numbers suggest that the amount of «nottle» MPs (not Tories and not
Labour) may stay the same or
actually decline at the next election.
But he claimed
Labour has
actually had
more money from non-doms like Lord Paul than the Conservatives.
«It's not true
actually, and we are spending
more than
Labour on this... We're investing in the frontline services now to get these rail lines repaired, to protect homes along the Thames at the moment, the homes in Somerset, bring in the army and all that kind of thing.»
However, while
Labour argue that this would help to make living in high - demand cities like London and Oxford
more affordable, these plans
actually run the risk of deepening the housing crisis rather than solving it.
All Jeremy's «right on» liberal sentimentality is doing is reinforcing the neoliberal status quo which empowers Capital against
labour, and is alienating millions of actual, ex, and potential Labour voters — looking for a radical Left agenda (or of course, failing that — a radical Right populist one via a more Left - faking UKIP Mk 2) that actually tries to stand up to the power of the neoliberal m
labour, and is alienating millions of actual, ex, and potential
Labour voters — looking for a radical Left agenda (or of course, failing that — a radical Right populist one via a more Left - faking UKIP Mk 2) that actually tries to stand up to the power of the neoliberal m
Labour voters — looking for a radical Left agenda (or of course, failing that — a radical Right populist one via a
more Left - faking UKIP Mk 2) that
actually tries to stand up to the power of the neoliberal market.
Aides say the vote is a symbolic endorsing of the policy but accept it does not necessarily make the party
more or less committed to it - reflecting the limited influence which the
Labour conference
actually has on policy decisions.
Historically
Labour have
actually tended to do worse, not better, in the regional vote, so the pattern here is somewhat unusual — looking at the data it seems to be because people who would vote Green or SSP in the regional vote are
more likely to vote SNP in the constituency vote.
But opponents of the
Labour party say this would
actually give the unions
more power because all those affiliated members will
actually take up
more of the membership block than the unions were getting in the leadership election.
With Miliband, the closer you looked, the
more you realised that he was
actually quite a long way to the Left in the
Labour Party.
Robert regarding your view that
labour cold win with 35 %, yes, but we won in 1974 ′ with 37 % and I believe Callaghan
actually got a few
more votes in 79 ′ than 74 although the percentage was the me, the point was that the 74 manifesto was so far from what the public felt, that the following election lots of liberals or stay at home voters came out and the Tories would get 13 + million for the next f our.
Labour as currently organised and funded is
actually considerably
more effective as an opposition than a government — its competencies and enthusiasms are well suited to holding an incumbent government to account, less so to the actual business of government.
When
Labour announced it was to open Britain's borders to the eight eastern European nations new to the European Union in 2004, it claimed no
more than 13,000 a year would
actually come here.
If we had known that, say, the majority of second preference votes had been for
Labour where first preference votes had been for the Green Party, the Lib Dems or the Nationalists, this would have made a coalition involving
Labour far
more likely, making the coalition a much better reflection of what people
actually wanted.
Are you really gullible enough to believe this is some Damascean conversion, or is it far
more likely that Gurchuran, who stood for
Labour in the Hillingdon & Ealing GLA seat twice, has been on the London
Labour Board until recently, and as I say was Deputy
Labour Leader on the Council is
actually defecting because
Labour completely and utterly botched its selection process.
Amongst Sun readers though it was CON 42 %, LAB 29 %, LDEM 12 % — so while there isn't much difference in Conservative support, Sun readers are
actually a bit
more Labour and a bit less Lib Dem than the population as a whole, meaning the Tories have a lower lead amongst Sun readers than elsewhere in the country.
«It was incredible that my colleagues in the
Labour party thought it
more important to turn in on themselves and have a dispute about who should be leading the party than to
actually stand at the despatch box and attack the Government for the crisis that they had precipitated,» he said.
AM, if you think that new
labour caused damage to the working class, I take it you feel people who bought their council homes and consider themselves to be middle class, are actually middle class, fact is, they would still fit the demographics of working class, those are the people that Labour in the 80's list and new labour got back, but yes lebour did lose, the unskilled Borthern working class because labour were more interested in getting the lower middle class, and we'd never had won if we hadn't, so think if that before we criticise new lebour giving up on the lower working class, as we had to do it too win, unless you dint think winning is impo
labour caused damage to the working class, I take it you feel people who bought their council homes and consider themselves to be middle class, are
actually middle class, fact is, they would still fit the demographics of working class, those are the people that
Labour in the 80's list and new labour got back, but yes lebour did lose, the unskilled Borthern working class because labour were more interested in getting the lower middle class, and we'd never had won if we hadn't, so think if that before we criticise new lebour giving up on the lower working class, as we had to do it too win, unless you dint think winning is impo
Labour in the 80's list and new
labour got back, but yes lebour did lose, the unskilled Borthern working class because labour were more interested in getting the lower middle class, and we'd never had won if we hadn't, so think if that before we criticise new lebour giving up on the lower working class, as we had to do it too win, unless you dint think winning is impo
labour got back, but yes lebour did lose, the unskilled Borthern working class because
labour were more interested in getting the lower middle class, and we'd never had won if we hadn't, so think if that before we criticise new lebour giving up on the lower working class, as we had to do it too win, unless you dint think winning is impo
labour were
more interested in getting the lower middle class, and we'd never had won if we hadn't, so think if that before we criticise new lebour giving up on the lower working class, as we had to do it too win, unless you dint think winning is important.
Given that John Reid's speech was on the final day of conference, his boost was probably
more to do with his «victory» in Newsnight's focus group on the
Labour leadership (or
more to the point, given that not many people
actually watch Newsnight, the media speculation that followed it).
Often two things happen: many voters —
more than in a general election — tend to make up their minds at the last moment; and
Labour often has great difficulty in persuading their supporters
actually to vote.
It sounded much
more practical than Byrne's assertion that
Labour must «move on decisively from the New
Labour package, but remain on centre ground,» which came across a little bit like a suggestion that
Labour must appear to move on, while
actually continuing to tread the same water as 1997.
This Tory sees a
more likely political difficulty arising from Corbyn's defeat and victory for Andy Burnham or Yvette Cooper being misinterpreted as a triumph for
Labour moderation when, in this cabinet member's opinion, Burnham and Cooper are
actually «running left».
Asked by a
Labour MP to vacate the Tory leadership because David Davis beat him in the first round of the 2005 contest David Cameron joked that in the vote of Tory members he won
more votes than David Davis (twice as many
actually).
I'm not
actually convinced Nandy is much
more than a fairly standard left of centre 2010/2015 intake
Labour MP but she does seem to have a following among
Labour supporters.
Most polls show
Labour on considerably
more than 35 per cent, but can they achieve it when it
actually counts?
This time around I expect much of the
Labour tactical vote to return to the Lib Dems as a)
more people
actually realise the Lib Dems
actually did a good job holding the Tories in check during the Coalition and because
Labour is doing so badly so wavering Labourites will once again vote Tom to stop the Tories here.
The old one had
more poetry, but the new one was
more in tune with what
Labour could
actually do.
Writing is hard — I'd done enough of it to know that much — and, what's
more, I'd seen my mother — both parents
actually, my father is also a novelist — sweating blood over their work and I just didn't feel that that sort of hard
labour was for me.
Although many people
actually benefit from a paid day off on these holidays, the Québec Act respecting
Labour Standards explicitly sets out the conditions surrounding those payments and what happens when you're required to work on a statutory holiday or how you're paid if you're... [
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