The U.S. government is the financial and ideological architect of the war
against liberation theology.
Not even the opening papal address contained the salvos
against liberation theology that the conservatives had hoped for (despite erroneous impressions to the contrary given by the New York Times), and the Puebla documents, though a mixed bag, gave ongoing support to the major concerns of this theology, particularly in the emphasis on the need for the church to make «a preferential option for the poor.
Just what has South Africa's religious guardians of political orthodoxy all worked up is revealed in The Road to Damascus» charge that «right - wing Christians» are guilty of «vicious attacks
against liberation theology.»
Not exact matches
The revolution of the feminine revolts
against the denatured Babel of concrete and steel that stifles the living soil» (
Liberation Theology [Paulist, 1972], pp. 125 f.).
Reverend Wright's «hate» sermons
against America and white people are virtually identical as Farrakhan's - who followed Malcolm X. Wright's «hate» speeches are a blend of The Nation of Islam and Black Nationalist
Liberation Theology into a subversive Christianity, not recognized by most black Christians.
Liberation theology has tended to place special emphasis on certain portions of the Bible, notably the story of the Exodus, the social criticism of the prophets, the figure of Mary, Jesus» preaching of the kingdom of God, the depiction of the liberating Christian community in Acts, and the struggle
against evil in its imperialist and cosmic guise in the Book of Revelation.
In challenging process
theology to state explicitly that God sides with the oppressed, and to do so in a way that does not rule out the possibility of righteous counterviolence, I understand Jones to be challenging process
theology to explicate the social - ethical consequences of accepting certain metaphysical truths in order that black
theology might measure its ethical content
against the needs of the struggle for
liberation.
His willingness to speak
against this movement has not endeared him to some members of the American theological community, who have become increasingly supportive of
liberation theology and increasingly willing to use Marxist categories in criticizing social structures.
Liberation theology to a large extent agrees with Marxist analysis in its identification with the oppressed in the struggle
against the oppressor.
These portrayals cast
liberation theologies in the guise of populist discontents futilely raging
against the progressive organizational developments of modern, 20th century industrialized societies.
The alleged subordination of the gospel to Karl Marx is illustrated, for example, by charging that «false»
liberation theology concentrates too much on a few selected biblical texts that are always given a political meaning, leading to an overemphasis on «material» poverty and neglecting other kinds of poverty; that this leads to a «temporal messianism» that confuses the Kingdom of God with a purely «earthly» new society, so that the gospel is collapsed into nothing but political endeavor; that the emphasis on social sin and structural evil leads to an ignoring or forgetting of the reality of personal sin; that everything is reduced to praxis (the interplay of action and reflection) as the only criterion of faith, so that the notion of truth is compromised; and that the emphasis on communidades de base sets a so - called «people's church»
against the hierarchy.
Modernity, with its enthronement of «progress through technology» is, however, the concrete economic, social, political, cultural, and ecclesial orders
against which
liberation theologies direct their intellectual and religious dialectics.
As such, she adds, it «is a crucial issue for a metaphorical
theology»
against conservatives «who absolutize Scripture, refusing to admit its metaphorical quality,» and
against «
liberation theologies, especially radical feminist
theologies» which «relativize Scripture to the point of undercutting the relevance of its basic images.»
Rather, they resulted from an often ad hoc process in which the spiritual and physical needs of the poor, the teachings of Vatican II, the intentions of the Brazilian hierarchy (running both for and
against the emerging agenda of
liberation theology), the brutal repression perpetrated by Brazilian dictators, and the work of academics all played a part.
Ortega's use of biblical imagery to describe U.S. attacks
against his people illustrates why the Santa Fe Report targets
liberation theology as enemy.
More generally, the loss of prestige suffered by international socialism after Tiananmen Square, and even more after the «velvet revolution»
against socialist oppression in Eastern Europe, brought the «Marxist analysis» on which
liberation theology so heavily depended into universal disrepute.
The fight - back led by Blessed John Paul II and Cardinal Joseph Ratzinger
against the doctrinal heresies and Marxist analysis underlying
liberation theology had only just begun...
In the meantime, DiPietro put together a memo explaining how Trump could win mostly by going hard after a new gun - control law pushed by Cuomo, which he wrote could provide 300,00 to 500,000 new voters, and by running
against Bill de Blasio, New York's «first truly radical mayor, a man who still reveres the Sandinistas, honeymooned in Havana, and self - describes as a believer in
liberation theology (i.e., Marxism).»
Theologian James Cone, who as a founder of black
liberation theology linked Christian faith with the struggle
against racism and oppression, died April 28, 2018.