Sentences with phrase «although gender differences»

In addition, indices of interpersonal power were associated with dating aggression and relationship satisfaction for both girlfriends and boyfriends, although gender differences emerged in the patterns of association between power and outcomes.

Although gender differences are not the main focus of this study, they are relevant to the actor — partner considerations within marriage that we address here.

The researchers conclude that gender had minimal if any impact on depression severity estimates although gender differences in depressive symptoms and severity were more distinctive in bipolar depression patients [7].

I find no gender differences in the way job rewards shape values, although gender differences in job values exist.

Not exact matches

I celebrate the differences between men and women, I do, although I'm wary of universalizing traits, temperament, and personalities for entire genders.

From Carrie: As someone who isn't convinced that there are innate gender characteristics (although I do, of course, recognize biological differences and see how those might affect identity), I have trouble distinguishing how a transgender person conceives of her gender identity.

The second and third favored positions for both genders also involved partners lying on their sides, although slight differences in preference emerged here.

Seek out information that doesn't count out differences in race, marital status, ethnicity, etc., although understandably, some information such as breastfeeding only applies to a certain gender.

But although the gender gap in dependence may be closing, differences in the ways men and women respond to alcohol are emerging.

They also note that, although a large number of studies were reviewed; many more were excluded because they were not specifically focused on gender differences in facial recognition.

Although this sheds a light on gender differences in viral loads, Quinn adds that the best point at which to start anti-HIV drug treatments is generally still unknown.

Although Gulliver isn't sure how to explain the gender differences, she does see resiliency as a buffer against the kind of life stress caused by a dangerous job, the kind of stress that can lead some couples to divorce.

Although men had been more prone to have silent strokes, associations between silent strokes and sleep apnea stayed the same after adjusting for these kinds of gender differences.

And although there is a gender difference in online bullying, it's relatively small compared with the differences among individuals.

They examined a million American inventors — people who have actually filed patents — and discovered «large disparities... by socioeconomic class, race, and gender» although «differences in ability... explain very little of these disparities.»

Her show's title alone, «Some Differences,» sounds designed to let painting speak for itself, although some may think of gender and women in postwar abstraction.

In Victoria Pynchon's 2008 blog: «Are women better mediators than men» (www.negotiationlawblog.com), she states that although there are not any controlled studies on gender differences in mediation results, she is aware of gender imbalances in the profession and has known of panel administrators when choosing mediators or settlement officers tending to choose men «most of the time».

Research within clinical populations consistently finds that girls are more often abused than boys, although research focused on the broader population of community youth has not shown such gender differences in rates of physical maltreatment.72 Female offenders typically are abused before their first offense.73 Among girls in the California juvenile justice system, 92 percent report some form of emotional, physical, or sexual abuse.74 Self - reported victimization rates among boys in the juvenile justice system are considerably lower, though boys may be more likely than girls to underreport certain forms of abuse.75 Some studies report abuse rates for males between 25 percent and 31 percent, while others report rates of 10 percent for sexual abuse and 47 percent for physical abuse.76 Closer comparison reveals that delinquent males and females tend to report different types of traumas as well.

Notwithstanding these gender - specific risk and protective factors, in most cases, the same factors — ADHD, negative temperament, impulsivity, compromised intelligence — predict antisocial behavior in both males and females, as suggested by the substantial overlap shown in figure 4.99 Although some analysts have argued the need to concentrate on the commonalities in predictors of male and female offending, it is also important to note the areas in which risk factors differ by gender.100 Even if the differences between male and female offenders are confined to only a few key areas, the differences in these areas — for example, sensitivity to victimization, timing of onset of persistent offending, prevalence of mental health problems — can be substantial and can profoundly influence the effectiveness of risk assessments and treatment programs.

For example, although the typical disruptive behaviors of preschool boys and girls differ little, these behaviors evolve over time in strongly gender - dependent ways, with girls outgrowing such behavior more quickly than boys.49 Starting in middle childhood, further differences emerge.

Although research findings on prevalence are inconclusive, they generally find that women and men report similar levels of violence when the contexts, motives and consequences are not considered.6 When they are considered, studies assessing IPV perpetrated by men compared to women often report gender differences regarding the types of violence, reasons for the violence, context in which the violence occurs and consequences of the violence.6, 7 For example, studies assessing differences in IPV find men's violence against women to be more severe, threatening and controlling8 — 10 and involve longer - lasting victimisation, fear of bodily injury or death, more injuries and more adverse health effects.5, 11, 12 It has also been found that women tend to use physical violence out of anger, not being able to get the partner's attention or in self - defence and retaliation, 11 whereas men often use it as a means to exercise coercive control.13, 14

Although there are no gender differences in how girls and boys relate their past experiences early in the preschool years, but the end of the preschool years, girls are telling longer, more detailed and more emotionally rich narratives of their past than are boys (Buckner & Fivush, 1998), and these gender differences remain relatively stable throughout development.

Although these differences are typically thought of as gender specific with women experiencing more responsive desire and men experiencing more spontaneous desire, I have worked with same sex couples where one partner experiences responsive desire while the other experiences more spontaneous desire and heterosexual couples where the typical experiences are reversed.

Biswas - Diener analyzed three cultures (Maasai, Inughuit and U.S.) found that, although there were strong similarities among the three cultures, there were differences by gender, among other factors.

Although age was not associated with agapic love scores, a significant overall gender difference was obtained such that men scored higher than women.

Although most epidemiological studies of father - absent families have focused on children's psychological adjustment, children's gender development has also been investigated using the ALSPAC sample, with no differences in gender role behaviour identified between children in single - mother families and children in traditional families for either boys or girls (Stevens et al., 2002).

Although many studies have discussed widowhood through death in terms of social support theory and gender differences in marital and social relationships (Levenson, Carstensen, & Gottman, 1993; Lopata, 1978; Ross & Mirowsky, 2002; Umberson et al., 1992), our knowledge of widowhood's relationship to depression is based on studies conducted in western developed societies (Bankoff, 1983; Carr et al., 2000; Stroebe, Stroebe, & Abakoumkin, 1999; van Baarsen, 2002).

Although the reasons behind societal differences in marital and health patterns remain obscure, cultural variation in gender roles within households may provide insights into the gender differences found in Korea (Jang et al., 2009).

Touches on abusive sex assignment surgery in infants and young children, debunking John Money's theories of gender as being purely socialization, and does a nice job of explaining the differences between homosexuality and gender identity, transvestism and transsexualism, although winds up focusing heavily on the adult issues of male - to - female transsexualism.

Indeed, although we did not anticipate gender differences with regard to socialization of alcohol misuse, neither within friendship networks nor within dyads, results seem to imply that even if both male and female adolescents socialize their drinking behaviors, they may do so in different contexts.

Substantial gender - differences in the associations between peer clustering in smoking and social network characteristics suggest that young women's smoking behavior is more socially determined, although the pattern weakens during the transition from late adolescence to early adulthood.

Also for gender, there was a significant difference, although not so large as the effect for depression, with a multivariate effect (Hotteling's Trace) for stress across life domains (F (1, 58) = 2.60, p ≤ 0.05).

Although girls with CP appear at greater risk than boys for presenting comorbid depression, empirical research on gender differences in these associations is even sparser.

Yet, although male adolescents may be generally somewhat more predisposed to engage in alcohol misuse than female adolescents, unlike depressive symptoms, gender differences on peer relationships may be less relevant when it comes to socialization of drinking behaviors.

Although the CLOC is a multiwave study, the follow - up interviews target bereaved persons, and thus, the number of married persons interviewed at subsequent waves is too small for adequately powered analyses of gender differences in marital quality appraisals among currently married persons.

These bidirectional relationships were mostly similar for boys and girls, although there were a few gender differences.

Although I acknowledge that biological differences between infant males and females play a role in shaping their emotional development, I argue that the subsequent emergence of gender differences in emotional expressiveness is heavily influenced by cultural values and attitudes concerning gender roles.