«As far
as Labour voters are concerned, there are two issues.
If younger voters start to see
themselves as Labour voters - if this becomes part of their identity - this may override their generational shift in attitudes against generous welfare systems, which some long - view right - wing strategists have been counting on.
My polling has found that Tory voters are twice as likely
as Labour voters, and UKIP voters three times as likely, to say that defending Britain's interests in Europe is one of the most important issues facing the country.
The party's political problem has now taken on historical significance
as Labour voters who are worried about immigration are backing Brexit, putting Britain's membership of the European Union on the brink.
Leadership also really mattered — Tory voters were twice as likely
as Labour voters to be motivated by their party leader, according to ComRes.
Not exact matches
Opinion polls showed that
voters had opposed privatization at the outset (
as did the press and many Conservative back benchers), but the Conservatives pointed out that Tony Blair rode to victory in part by abandoning «Clause Four» of the
Labour Party's 1904 constitution, advocating state control over the means of production, distribution and exchange.
More recently,
Labour MP Andy Burnham characterised the ethos of Britain Stronger In Europe, the official campaign to keep Britain in the EU,
as «too much Hampstead and not enough Hull», lamenting the group's inability to appeal to
voters in
Labour's traditional heartlands.
Some saw his comments
as dog whistle politics, whilst others saw it
as Labour engaging with the issues that
voters care about.
Ed Miliband plausibly argues that to return to pre-2008 «business
as usual» will not convince
voters that
Labour has learnt lessons from past mistakes.
The elector would benefit from greater choice, fairness and representation - a
Labour voter in darkest Surrey
as much
as an embattled Glasgow Tory.
The agenda is likely to appeal to Middle England
voters,
as Labour tries to steal the
voters who switched to the Conservatives in 2010.
At the end of last month Ed Miliband had net personal ratings of -46 % according to YouGov with 68 % of
voters saying he is «doing badly»
as leader of the
Labour party.
Furthermore,
Labour's extraordinary abandonment of its core
voters as it takes on the mantle of the politically correct new left means
Labour votes across the North of England are up for grabs.
Of the 634
voters it spoke to who ranked
Labour as their first preference, 49 % said they would prefer a minority government, compared to 30 % who wanted to see a coalition with the Liberal Democrats.
It also shows how the party is very much in the business of trying to poach
Labour voters as well
as disgruntled Tories.
Labour made a net gain of just two from the Conservatives, whilst the Liberal Democrats collapsed in suburban England and their south - western heartlands
as the centre - left vote fragmented and centre - right
voters moved over to the Tories.
Were an individual Gloucestershire
voter given up to seven votes to distribute
as s / he saw fit, it is of course impossible to know whether this would lead to seven Conservative MPs returned (
as was the case in the 2015 election), or a mixture of parties (in 2005 the seats were split three Conservative, two
Labour and two Liberal Democrat).
As well as losing voters to the Conservatives, Labour has haemorrhaged millions to non-voting and apath
As well
as losing voters to the Conservatives, Labour has haemorrhaged millions to non-voting and apath
as losing
voters to the Conservatives,
Labour has haemorrhaged millions to non-voting and apathy.
The intervention signifies a distinct shift in thinking in the
Labour high command,
as party officials see a key opportunity for Mr Miliband to get a rare hearing with
voters.
The overwhelming majority of «no»
voters who voted
Labour in 2010 also voted
Labour in 2015,
as the British Election Study shows.
He needs to get the
voters to trust
Labour with the economy again, just
as Brown did.
Until now, even the most eager, and unemployed, floating
voter is unlikely to have seen even one of the
Labour, Conservative and Liberal Democrat leaders up close and personal, let alone,
as they will be in the debates, not speechifying but tested and challenged live by their fiercest rivals.
The new leader will now make a concerted effort to woo disillusioned northern
Labour voters by painting Jeremy Corbyn and his London - based allies
as out of touch with ordinary working people.
Labour is struggling to claw back the perception of «economic competence» it needs to persuade
voters to give it another chance, even
as public opinion has turned against further government austerity.
Voters weren't asked to conceive of the
Labour Party
as a direct representation of working - class interests in aggregate — politics became about choosing which group of elites offered the best deal to you
as an individual.
Certainly to me (a floating
voter) it looks
as if
Labour have moved a long way to the right and to the authoritarian over the last 15 years or so, and if they want their old supporters to listen to them, they may have to migrate back a bit to get the conversation started.
Labour is enjoying its strongest polling since Gordon Brown's honeymoon,
as a new survey shows Conservative
voters are growing less likely to vote at the next election.
Tim Farron heaped praise on Tony Blair today
as he called on disaffected
Labour voters to ditch their party and join the Lib Dems.
«Most of the Muslim
voters I've talked to will vote for Sadiq, but they haven't warmed to him
as a person,» one inner London
Labour councillor who has been pounding the streets for him tells me.
As with the 35 % of 2010
Labour voters in Scotland who voted «yes» to independence, the
Labour Party currently offers little to the 27 - 33 % of 2015
Labour voters in Britain who want to leave the EU.
As an immediate response to Labour's losing a considerable number of those middle - class voters, Tony Blair and his close aides, such as Peter Mandelson and David Miliband attacked Ed Miliband for ditching their policy of aspiratio
As an immediate response to
Labour's losing a considerable number of those middle - class
voters, Tony Blair and his close aides, such
as Peter Mandelson and David Miliband attacked Ed Miliband for ditching their policy of aspiratio
as Peter Mandelson and David Miliband attacked Ed Miliband for ditching their policy of aspiration.
First Minister Nicola Sturgeon is seen by a large swathe of her supporters - particularly those
voters who have abandoned
Labour -
as a socialist standard - bearer.
But the structure of
Labour's plans for rail renationalisation and caps on fare increases stand to benefit relatively well - off
voters in the south east — a group not generally seen
as core to
Labour's welfare efforts.
Not only did the Liberal Democrats alienate left - leaning
voters by entering the coalition, but its leaders did
as much
as David Cameron and George Osborne to brand
Labour as spendthrift and irresponsible — Nick Clegg by playing up the comparison between the UK and Greece, David Laws by brandishing the now - notorious note from Liam Byrne.
Instead of mucking in with the multifarious resistance movement - which,
as you rightly state here, does not require universal agreement in order to progress, that sort of Leninist thinking is weedkiller to the grassroots -
Labour is already positioning itself for the next election, terrified of doing anything at all which might upset the few swing
voters in key marginal seats that the party has repositioned itself towards over the past twenty years.
The Conservatives are also seen
as the safest pair of hands to manage the economy overall, with 40 per cent of
voters thinking that the Conservatives are the best party for the UK economy, compared to 31 per cent who say
Labour is.
Pundits have slated a whole series of policy announcements by
Labour as loony lefty extremism — only to discover that the majority of
voters think they're an excellent idea.
Perhaps unsurprisingly then, the Conservative Party is seen
as particularly good for big business, with 34 per cent of
voters favouring their approach over
Labour's.
Firstly that they see this
as an opportunity to increase their majority at the expense of
Labour and UKIP both of which are now in rather awkward positions and secondly that the current leadership has inherited a bit of an awkward position themselves in that they are committed to a process which is both diplomatically and politically potentially very difficult and dangerous and if it all goes horribly wrong they are really out on a limb so if they get a fresh mandate they can at least blame the
voters.
Corbyn won't win those
voters back from the SNP, and nor will he help
Labour recover in other suburbs, where
voter turn - out is almost
as high
as antipathy to higher taxes.
Now, with
Labour scrambling around trying to find a way to win back
voters, you are just
as likely to hear someone on the left talking about cutting back benefits or the need to limit immigration
as you are a Conservative or right - wing paper.
I look at the particular challenges for
Labour in reconnecting to disillusioned liberal - left
voters as part of the task of rebuilding the broad electoral coalition which won it three election victories.
Balls has also run three marathons and learned to play the piano while on the
Labour frontbench,
as well
as becoming chairman of Norwich City FC and turning his hand to writing about cooking since rejection by the
voters of Morley & Outwood.
Though his manifesto launch offered
voters a deft soundbite - Lib Dems will give
Labour brains and the Tories heart - Clegg has struck an uncertain note this week, sometimes sounding
as if he would prefer to lose than enter coalition talks with Miliband.
Only by positioning itself
as the party of efficiency, spending cuts where necessary and value for money can
Labour turn on the Tories and ask
voters: now that we have slimmed down the state, do you want the Tories to cut the basics, too?
As in Scotland when pro-independence
Labour voters switched to the SNP because of
Labour's support for Cameron rendering Scottish
Labour a pointless electoral alliance that can never be elected again.
But
as the scandalous move to deny thousands of new
voters a ballot in the ongoing leadership election shows, the
Labour establishment clearly feels insecure that people are no longer
as obedient
as they once were.
Labour clearly has a job ahead
as it tries to win back core
voters.
Confronted with challenging questions, he sought to deflect attention to
Labour as often
as possible and present
voters with a binary choice on May 7.
Yet, if our analysis is even close to being right, the
voters of the North West will play a leading role in denying
Labour a majority in 2015 — just
as they did with the Conservatives in 2010.