Sentences with phrase «as a sociologist in»

Timothy Smeeding was incorrectly identified as a sociologist in an earlier version of the story.

Not exact matches

As one pair of sociologists from The University of North Texas and Rice put it, «in a society that encourages men to be dominant and women to be submissive, having the image of tall men hovering over short women reinforces» the very idea that men must be the aggressors and the chasers when it comes to romantic relationships.

Conceived in the 1960s by sociologists Eugene Weinstein and Paul Deutschberger, the method involves characterizing people as certain personality types in order to nudge them towards a specific behavior.

As sociologist Zeynep Tufekci described it in a recent paper:

According to the sociologist Harriet B. Presser, as of 2003, two - fifths of American workers were working non-standard hours — «in the evening, at night, on a rotating shift, or during the weekend» — and she wasn't counting those who bring their work home and do it on their off - hours, or who are self - employed.»

Moreover, it is now doubtful whether the efficient market hypothesis makes any kind of sense. Indeed, a great many economists and bankers have discovered Minskyâ $ ™ s views on financial fragility and his financial instability hypothesis, according to which banks and financial markets can not be left to themselves: we need regulations even though regulating markets may not succeed in avoiding another crisis once the memory of the current crisis has faded away.As told to me by a law student recently hired by Blackrock, the largest asset manager in the world, with assets totalling more than 3,500 billion dollars â $ «thatâ $ ™ s one and a half times larger than UBS and twice as large as PIMCO â $ «many asset managers are now turning away from hiring neoclassical economists and actually prefer hiring engineers, sociologists and even philosophers.

Alternatively, many sociologists predicted that, with the increasing emphasis on individualism and the therapeutic in American culture, religion would have an increasingly marginal influence on domestic life, and the traditional family as the 1950s knew it would gradually disappear in the face of «family modernization,» as some theorists called it.

«There is a small decline in church attendance over time, but not nearly as large as suggested in popular culture, or even by some social scientists,» said University of Nebraska - Lincoln sociologist Philip Schwadel, who conducted the study.

Both men, from their differing perspectives on culture — Berger as a sociologist of religion and Lewis as a professor of English literature — have allowed play to be the activity we have described in Chapter Two.

Most Wiccans identify as witches, and they form the largest branch of the burgeoning neo-pagan movement, said Helen A. Berger, a sociologist who specializes in the study of contemporary Paganism and witchcraft at Brandeis University.

Now Professor of Sociology at both the University of Chicago and the University of Arizona, Greeley repeatedly asserts his dual identity as both priest and sociologist, and in the latter capacity he adamantly insists that he is a «scientist,» usually defining that term in an old - fashioned positivist manner.

As both a sociologist and a Christian (though he admits that he has not yet found the heresy into which his theological views comfortably fit), Berger attempts to deal with the alleged demise of the supernatural in our modern world.

Joachim Wach, a sociologist of religion, has suggested four characteristics of religious experience and belief: (1) Religion «is a response to what is experienced as ultimate reality; that is, in religious experiences we reach not to any single or finite phenomenon, material or otherwise, but to what we realize as under - girding and conditioning all that constitutes our world of experience.»

An interpreter of the survey for the United States, the renowned German sociologist Hans Joas, comes to the accurate conclusion that in comparison with Europe: «The United States is very much alive as a religious society».

These are to be distinguished from fraudulent pretenders to the title such as Colonel Qaddafi's Popular Democratic Republic, the so - called Democratic Republics of the old USSR, etc.) The sociologist Peter Berger, against his own earlier predilections, has shown in The Capitalist Revolution that among all existing nations capitalism is a necessary (but not sufficient) condition for democracy.

A sociologist like William Julius Wilson can underline the importance of economic factors, pointing to the precipitous decline in manufacturing, and at the same time write frankly about the destructive influence of ghetto culture which lacks a viable middle class that once served as a «social buffer.

When sociologist Orrin Klapp, in 1962, categorized the five most popular American social types, he included among «winners» giants of intellect as well as exemplars of brawny physique (Heroes, Villains, Fools: The Changing American Character [Prentice - Hall], chapter 1).

Sociologist Penny Edgell Becker's survey of mainline pastors in upstate New York found that more than 85 percent believe that «God approves of all families» and almost half reject the term «family ministry» as exclusionary.

The problems appear in much that precedes them, reflecting a general ignorance of American religious history and the sociologist's fallacy of regarding everything that happens now as something new and unprecedented.

As Bass asserts, solutions for dea1ing with the increasing pressures of time — pressures that mar our days — will not be found in the writings of historians, economists or sociologists.

In addition, sociologists can object that the concept of plausibility structures as venues of discourse and interaction diminishes the importance of other kinds of social resources for maintaining religion.

Inasmuch as the growth of religious fervor in élite religious groups may lead to hierarchical development (order, sect), the sociologist of religion may combine his study of intensity and size with that of the structure of the group.

Inasmuch as the sociologist of religion is confronted with the necessity of accounting for apparently identical or similar patterns in religious behavior, ideas, and forms of organizations on different cultural levels, he is interested in a constructive solution of the apparent dilemma.

the preoccupation of the psychologist with purely human behavior, its description, and development; the preoccupation of the sociologist and cultural anthropologist with the forms and development of society, make these mental health professionals unable to define the function of the churchman, though their professions may well be of immense importance in providing information when the clergyman thinks through his unique and necessary role as pastor to persons.

There can be some doubt as to how the work of the special sociologist of religion should be organized, that is, in which order he would proceed best.

The sociologist of religion, interested in the study of a cultic group, can not be satisfied with reviewing its theology as the foundation of the theory and practice of fellowship among its members.

George Bernard Shaw Peter L. Berger, the most eminent sociologist of religion in the world today, many of whose sociological works as Berger says «read like a treatise on atheism,» has written a mature and skeptical affirmation of Christianity in his new book Questions of Faith: A...

«Festivals and pilgrimages,» I have said in another context, «are outstanding occasions, for here we find a close interrelation between different cultic activities such as purifications, lustrations, prayer, vows, offerings, sacrifices, and processions all of which are of particular interest both to the historian and the sociologist of religion» (Sociology of Religion, p. 42).

Sociologists also look to the relatively low church attendance rates in Europe as evidence of the decline of religion.

Of the pain that this necessarily entails we shall speak later; here let it be said that it is erroneous to assume, as have some careless theologians and sociologists among others, that human wrong is located in self - concern.

I see Jesus as the ultimate sociologist today, in the spirit of questioning «what we take for granted».

It may be said, speaking in very general terms, that in asserting the zoological nature of the Noosphere we confirm the sociologists» view of human institutions as organic.

In the first place, the leaders of the church have been induced to listen very closely to the social scientists and sociologists, and thus they have adopted programs and ideas of social planning which, worthy as they may be, can often be recognized only with difficulty as the real concern of the church.

This contrasts with the climate of American public schooling as described by sociologist Anthony Bryk et al. in Catholic Schools and the Common Good (1993, 2009): «Mirroring the spiritual vacuum at the heart of contemporary American society, schools now enculturate this emptiness in our children....

Indeed, one of the failures in much contemporary explanation of human life — as, for example, by some of our modern secular sociologists — is precisely at this point.

Since 1960 over two hundred books and countless reports have examined either single congregations or their species, and any new work such as mine gratefully follows the tracks that many sorts of explorers — consultants, management specialists, sociologists, psychologists, ethnographers, historians, and others — have already laid down.1 Prior to 1960 the investigation of the local church was more occasional, and except for a few books written to enliven parish programs2 and the pioneering sociology of H. Paul Douglass, 3 the analysis occurred primarily in Europe.4

Writing in 1982, after a decade in which the church as a whole had pursued the inner mechanisms of congregations, several sociologists reported as follows: «We share the conviction that in recent years congregational analysis has over-emphasized the internal dynamics of congregational life and has failed to sufficiently account for the influence of the social and ecological context of the church's inner life.

One was the work of a sociologist, Earl Brewer, who, with the aid of a theologian and a ministries specialist, sought by an extensive content analysis of sermons and other addresses given in a rural and an urban church to differentiate the patterns of belief and value constituting those two parishes.67 The second was the inquiry of a religious educator, C. Ellis Nelson, who departed from a curricular definition of education to envision the congregation as a «primary society» whose integral culture conditions its young and old members.68 James Dittes, the third author, described more fully the nature of the culture encountered in the local church.

To better appreciate the nature of the enterprise that Kurzweil and Leibowitz engage in as Orthodox intellectual cranks it would be useful to consider the categories employed by sociologist Peter Berger, the leading academic analyst of the modernization process.

The acceleration of congregational studies in the last quarter century sprang in part from fresh and troubling inquiry by sociologists who probed the parish as a social organization.

Sociologists have spoken of the «privatizing» of religion in the West, by which they mean that religious adherence has become a leisure - time activity — some people go to church on a Sunday, other people go sailing or shopping Religion is seen as a personal choice and should not interfere with politics or business.

He has been reproached by sociologists for believing in the omnipotence of the scholarly analyst of the laboratory without ever having used the laboratory, and for explaining events as the function of «technical» expressions which hide reality from him in the same manner that the accounts of corporations are carefully edited and kept from the public by so - called «experts.»

Marsden concludes by reporting on sociologists David Riesman and Christopher Jencks's study of American higher education in the 1960s, which found that Protestant churches were «hardly consequential for the system as a whole.»

Most sociologists and political analysts would hold the antebellum strongholds of the Southeast — places like Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana — as the most socially conservative states in the Union.

As evangelical sociologist (and CT board member) Michael Lindsay once wrote in 2008, «Political movements like the Religious Right don't need a «god» to succeed, but they do need a devil.

In 1977 sociologist Daniel Bell, contemplating «the return of the sacred,» suggested that societies like ours are not so much secular as they are made up of persistent religious subgroups.

While aware that Niebuhr would not be recognized as a sociologist by most sociologists today, Witham, in a quite illuminating manner, positions Niebuhr in the tradition of Comte, Marx, Durkheim and Weber, who sought to map the progress of whole societies.

In fact, his hypothesis had not encountered much support among ethnologists and sociologists, but it had been useful as a springboard for discussions among philosophers, sociologists, and psychologists.

As sociologist Otto Pollak has put the matter, «Humans are open systems which must exchange input and output with others in order to live.»

In fact, Kenward appears to accept French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu's definition of cultural capital as «knowledge, skills, style and taste by which one class or social group dominated another.»