Sentences with phrase «as a sociologist of»

Both men, from their differing perspectives on culture — Berger as a sociologist of religion and Lewis as a professor of English literature — have allowed play to be the activity we have described in Chapter Two.

Inasmuch as the sociologist of religion is confronted with the necessity of accounting for apparently identical or similar patterns in religious behavior, ideas, and forms of organizations on different cultural levels, he is interested in a constructive solution of the apparent dilemma.

Greeley's project as a sociologist of religion.

Our models can become «seductive simulations,» as sociologist of science Myanna Lahsen put it, [3] with the modelers, other scientists, the public, and policymakers easily forgetting that the models are not reality but must be tested by it.

Not exact matches

As one pair of sociologists from The University of North Texas and Rice put it, «in a society that encourages men to be dominant and women to be submissive, having the image of tall men hovering over short women reinforces» the very idea that men must be the aggressors and the chasers when it comes to romantic relationships.

According to the sociologist Harriet B. Presser, as of 2003, two - fifths of American workers were working non-standard hours — «in the evening, at night, on a rotating shift, or during the weekend» — and she wasn't counting those who bring their work home and do it on their off - hours, or who are self - employed.»

Moreover, it is now doubtful whether the efficient market hypothesis makes any kind of sense. Indeed, a great many economists and bankers have discovered Minskyâ $ ™ s views on financial fragility and his financial instability hypothesis, according to which banks and financial markets can not be left to themselves: we need regulations even though regulating markets may not succeed in avoiding another crisis once the memory of the current crisis has faded away.As told to me by a law student recently hired by Blackrock, the largest asset manager in the world, with assets totalling more than 3,500 billion dollars â $ «thatâ $ ™ s one and a half times larger than UBS and twice as large as PIMCO â $ «many asset managers are now turning away from hiring neoclassical economists and actually prefer hiring engineers, sociologists and even philosophers.

And some of us are troubled by the shallow reasoning that has dominated the political discussions surrounding this move, as though the threadbare idea of equality were enough to settle every question concerning the long - term destiny of mankind and as though the writings of the anthropologists (not to mention the poets, the philosophers, the theologians, the novelists, the sociologists) counted for nothing beside the slogans of Stonewall.

Alternatively, many sociologists predicted that, with the increasing emphasis on individualism and the therapeutic in American culture, religion would have an increasingly marginal influence on domestic life, and the traditional family as the 1950s knew it would gradually disappear in the face of «family modernization,» as some theorists called it.

He frequently cites the work of Frank Furstenburg and Arlie Hochschild, two sociologists of family and gender relations whose views are by no means ideologically conservative, and he avoids value - loaded language, especially when it comes to describing the mainline Protestant churches whose leadership has, by and large, capitulated to the secular - elitist acceptance of extramarital sex, abortion, homosexuality, and other practices that conservative Christians view as inimical to moral life and family health.

Consciously or unconsciously, the movement also validates an insight which sociologists confirm: The best predictor of whether a child will remain religious as an adult is not the religiosity of the mother — for children tend to take that for granted — but of the father, because he is not expected to be religious.

Distinguished sociologist Peter Berger defends what he regards as American civil religion, the first commandment of which is (he says) «Thou shalt be tolerant!»

«There is a small decline in church attendance over time, but not nearly as large as suggested in popular culture, or even by some social scientists,» said University of Nebraska - Lincoln sociologist Philip Schwadel, who conducted the study.

For several years now, my work as a sociologist has circled around the phenomenon of pluralism.

Most Wiccans identify as witches, and they form the largest branch of the burgeoning neo-pagan movement, said Helen A. Berger, a sociologist who specializes in the study of contemporary Paganism and witchcraft at Brandeis University.

But to preclude the imposition of a priori evolutionary categories on the nature of religious belief, let us accept the definition of religion as given by the historians and sociologists of religion.

Now Professor of Sociology at both the University of Chicago and the University of Arizona, Greeley repeatedly asserts his dual identity as both priest and sociologist, and in the latter capacity he adamantly insists that he is a «scientist,» usually defining that term in an old - fashioned positivist manner.

If sociologists have tended to center on the foregoing argument and to single out work as the basis of their assessment of our present inability to play authentically, theologians and philosophers have tended to: focus upon a second area: America's distorted value structure that has accepted as true the «mindscape» of technology 48 This is Theodore Roszak's phrase, and his discussion can perhaps serve as a helpful starting point.

As both a sociologist and a Christian (though he admits that he has not yet found the heresy into which his theological views comfortably fit), Berger attempts to deal with the alleged demise of the supernatural in our modern world.

Joachim Wach, a sociologist of religion, has suggested four characteristics of religious experience and belief: (1) Religion «is a response to what is experienced as ultimate reality; that is, in religious experiences we reach not to any single or finite phenomenon, material or otherwise, but to what we realize as under - girding and conditioning all that constitutes our world of experience.»

An interpreter of the survey for the United States, the renowned German sociologist Hans Joas, comes to the accurate conclusion that in comparison with Europe: «The United States is very much alive as a religious society».

The department was proposed by Phil Zuckerman, a sociologist of religion, who describes himself as «culturally Jewish, but agnostic - atheist on questions of deep mystery.»

These are to be distinguished from fraudulent pretenders to the title such as Colonel Qaddafi's Popular Democratic Republic, the so - called Democratic Republics of the old USSR, etc.) The sociologist Peter Berger, against his own earlier predilections, has shown in The Capitalist Revolution that among all existing nations capitalism is a necessary (but not sufficient) condition for democracy.

A sociologist like William Julius Wilson can underline the importance of economic factors, pointing to the precipitous decline in manufacturing, and at the same time write frankly about the destructive influence of ghetto culture which lacks a viable middle class that once served as a «social buffer.

When sociologist Orrin Klapp, in 1962, categorized the five most popular American social types, he included among «winners» giants of intellect as well as exemplars of brawny physique (Heroes, Villains, Fools: The Changing American Character [Prentice - Hall], chapter 1).

Sociologist Penny Edgell Becker's survey of mainline pastors in upstate New York found that more than 85 percent believe that «God approves of all families» and almost half reject the term «family ministry» as exclusionary.

The problems appear in much that precedes them, reflecting a general ignorance of American religious history and the sociologist's fallacy of regarding everything that happens now as something new and unprecedented.

As Bass asserts, solutions for dea1ing with the increasing pressures of time — pressures that mar our days — will not be found in the writings of historians, economists or sociologists.

In addition, sociologists can object that the concept of plausibility structures as venues of discourse and interaction diminishes the importance of other kinds of social resources for maintaining religion.

Inasmuch as the growth of religious fervor in élite religious groups may lead to hierarchical development (order, sect), the sociologist of religion may combine his study of intensity and size with that of the structure of the group.

Emilio Willems, a sociologist from the United States, sees the growth of Pentecostalism as a reaction to the pressures for survival and social ascent that have accompanied modernization.

the preoccupation of the psychologist with purely human behavior, its description, and development; the preoccupation of the sociologist and cultural anthropologist with the forms and development of society, make these mental health professionals unable to define the function of the churchman, though their professions may well be of immense importance in providing information when the clergyman thinks through his unique and necessary role as pastor to persons.

There can be some doubt as to how the work of the special sociologist of religion should be organized, that is, in which order he would proceed best.

The growth and decline of specifically religious organizations and groups is a theme of the greatest importance to the sociologist as well as to the historian of religion.

A. Gerd Thessen, a German sociologist and New Testament scholar speaks of the first followers of Jesus as «wandering charismatics».

Sociologists can more tellingly object that plausibility structures may not go far enough toward specifying the importance of social conditions as an influence on religion.

This is not to deny the importance of social ties and social locations (were I to do so, I would have to resign my commission as a sociologist).

The sociologist of religion, interested in the study of a cultic group, can not be satisfied with reviewing its theology as the foundation of the theory and practice of fellowship among its members.

George Bernard Shaw Peter L. Berger, the most eminent sociologist of religion in the world today, many of whose sociological works as Berger says «read like a treatise on atheism,» has written a mature and skeptical affirmation of Christianity in his new book Questions of Faith: A...

«Festivals and pilgrimages,» I have said in another context, «are outstanding occasions, for here we find a close interrelation between different cultic activities such as purifications, lustrations, prayer, vows, offerings, sacrifices, and processions all of which are of particular interest both to the historian and the sociologist of religion» (Sociology of Religion, p. 42).

There emerge types of religious leaders — whose lives the historian has illumined, whose intellectual and emotional makeup the psychologist has investigated, and whose social role the sociologist has explored — as well as types of religious groupings and religious institutions.

But the scheme sociologists of religion use is, as yet, not differentiated, not fine and detailed enough.

Sociologists also look to the relatively low church attendance rates in Europe as evidence of the decline of religion.

Of the pain that this necessarily entails we shall speak later; here let it be said that it is erroneous to assume, as have some careless theologians and sociologists among others, that human wrong is located in self - concern.

I see Jesus as the ultimate sociologist today, in the spirit of questioning «what we take for granted».

The sociologists Richard Lloyd and Terry Nichols Clark think of the city, and they mean this as praise, as an «entertainment machine» whose residents «can experience their own urban location as if tourists, emphasising aesthetic concerns».

It may be said, speaking in very general terms, that in asserting the zoological nature of the Noosphere we confirm the sociologists» view of human institutions as organic.

In the first place, the leaders of the church have been induced to listen very closely to the social scientists and sociologists, and thus they have adopted programs and ideas of social planning which, worthy as they may be, can often be recognized only with difficulty as the real concern of the church.

As early as 1960, sociologists of religion reported that pastors and laity experienced congregations as fragmented.2 That was only the beginning of the larger cultural transition that has continued ever sincAs early as 1960, sociologists of religion reported that pastors and laity experienced congregations as fragmented.2 That was only the beginning of the larger cultural transition that has continued ever sincas 1960, sociologists of religion reported that pastors and laity experienced congregations as fragmented.2 That was only the beginning of the larger cultural transition that has continued ever sincas fragmented.2 That was only the beginning of the larger cultural transition that has continued ever since.

This contrasts with the climate of American public schooling as described by sociologist Anthony Bryk et al. in Catholic Schools and the Common Good (1993, 2009): «Mirroring the spiritual vacuum at the heart of contemporary American society, schools now enculturate this emptiness in our children....