Sentences with phrase «as abortion rights»

Advocates for the LGBT community as well as abortion rights have blasted the comments and boosted the incumbent Queens lawmaker in the process.

Though he rejects some party tenets such as abortion rights, he says he will remain a Democrat should he prevail on Nov. 7.

For NARAL, the concern is something of an obvious one: Roe v. Wade remains the law of the land, even as abortion rights on the local level have been challenged.

IDC Leader Jeff Klein has countered in recent days will calls for votes on key liberal issues such as abortion rights and protections for transgender New Yorkers, inferring the bills still wouldn't pass amid opposition from lawmakers like Sen. Ruben Diaz, a socially conservative Democrat from the Bronx.

Klein, meanwhile, has goaded Felder into taking a position on hot - button issues friendly to the Democratic base, such as abortion rights.

Not exact matches

Although the exact number of illegal abortions in the U.S. is hard to determine, many reproductive rights experts believe that self - induced abortions will continue to rise as the process of finding a legal abortion becomes more time - consuming and difficult.

Newman, who had the backing of an array of national abortion - rights groups and two members of Illinois» congressional delegation, campaigned heavily against her opponent's voting record and promoted herself as a champion of «working families, healthcare for all, and everybody's rights,» she told Business Insider last year.

A Boston - based mobile marketing agency, Copley Advertising, has attracted several anti-abortion groups as clients for the location - based abortion clinic ad targeting service, Rewire, a nonprofit women's rights news site, reported this week.

The organization... [will] make the argument that... the federal courts... are the final authority on issues important to progressives such as immigration, abortion, gay rights, social policy, the environment and corporate power, to name a few.

As a fundamental right, abortion is inherently justified.

By framing abortion as a nearly unqualified constitutional right, without fully considering the claims of fetal life, we have not taken a stride to a more virtuous society.

Most religions have consistently resisted progress — including the abolition of slavery; women's right to vote and choose contraception and abortion; medical developments such as the use of anesthesia; scientific understanding of the heliocentric solar system and evolution, and the American principle of state / church separation.

Groups such as Catholics United and Faith in Public Life got off the ground during and just after the 2004 election when a Catholic Democratic presidential nominee - Sen. John Kerry - was hard - pressed to find Catholic support in the face of condemnations from some Catholic bishops over his support for abortion rights.

Rather, Defund Planned Parenthood protesters abhor abortion as a profound violation of human rights, and they believe that the videos released by the Center for Medical Progress prove that Planned Parenthood harbors a crass and denigrating attitude toward the unborn — hard to dispute.

The outstanding example, of course, is the Chinese government's long - running «one - child policy,» replete with forced abortions, public trackings of menstrual cycles, family flight, increased female infanticide, sterilization, and other assaults too numerous even to begin cataloguing here — in fact, so numerous that they are now widely, if often grudgingly, acknowledged as wrongs even by international human - rights bureaucracies.

The court thus ruled that no nonreligious entity - even, as in the case of VHA, a membership organization whose members had raised a conscience objection to performing abortions - possessed the statutory right described in the exempting statute.

Hence, presumably all such conflicts ¯ real and imagined ¯ can be taken as justification for abortion and for abortion rights.

Before the 1970s, evangelicals voted as often for Democrats as for Republicans, but in the wake of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, a Supreme Court decision ending prayer in public schools, and the legalisation of abortion in 1973, the Republican Party recognised an opportunity to build a new coalition of Christian conservatives upset with the cultural changes sweeping the country.

The lawyers may have as much of an aversion as I've had to Donald Trump, but they are the ones who are sent into court to resist the mandates of Obamacare and to defend the Little Sisters of the Poor, the owners of Hobby Lobby, or the doctors and nurses who are invoking their rights under Hyde - Weldon Act not to be forced to participate in abortions.

Why is it when a woman takes life through abortion it is a moral right, but when God takes life (such as in the Old Testament) he evil and morally abhorent?

I don't go to church to read history and I don't want my politicians dabbling in the removal of freedoms such as gay rights, abortion, and gun control based upon religious platforms!

But when that manifestation of disoriented tenderness occurs again as dissipated by an almost universal acceptance of abortion, Mother Teresa is right to say (as Percy quotes her): «If a mother can kill her unborn child, I can kill you, and you can kill me.»

Tenderness separated from the source of tenderness thus supports a «popular piety» that goes unexamined, a piety in which liberalism in its decline establishes dogmatic rights, rights that in an extreme» as presently in the arguments for abortion in the political sphere and for «popular culture» in the academic» become absolute dogma to be accepted and not examined.

As it is, Gosnell got away with it because candy - asses like you cry foul - that some woman's rights are being violated, if anyone would actually REGULATE abortion clinics and make them accountable.

As an atheist who believes in «Choice» (I dislike the idea of abortion but see the need for people to be able to opt for it) and polygamy (marriage should be for any number of consenting adults regardless of gender) and believes that the idea of draconian anti-gun measures is anathema as it takes away an individual's right to live the way he wants to live, I think that if believing in a deity makes a person treat other people nicer then we should leave that person and his beliefs alonAs an atheist who believes in «Choice» (I dislike the idea of abortion but see the need for people to be able to opt for it) and polygamy (marriage should be for any number of consenting adults regardless of gender) and believes that the idea of draconian anti-gun measures is anathema as it takes away an individual's right to live the way he wants to live, I think that if believing in a deity makes a person treat other people nicer then we should leave that person and his beliefs alonas it takes away an individual's right to live the way he wants to live, I think that if believing in a deity makes a person treat other people nicer then we should leave that person and his beliefs alone.

They glossed over the abortion findings, too, which will have found abortion rights support lower for millenials at the same age as the previous couple of generations.

Regarding Amy Wax's discussion of abortion and child support: As long as the law guarantees to a woman the absolute, unqualified and unconditional right, regardless of age or status, to give birth anonymously (as some 400 French women do every year, down from 4,000 in 1947),..As long as the law guarantees to a woman the absolute, unqualified and unconditional right, regardless of age or status, to give birth anonymously (as some 400 French women do every year, down from 4,000 in 1947),..as the law guarantees to a woman the absolute, unqualified and unconditional right, regardless of age or status, to give birth anonymously (as some 400 French women do every year, down from 4,000 in 1947),..as some 400 French women do every year, down from 4,000 in 1947),....

«The «right to abortion,» with its theme of sexual liberation,» as Hadley Arkes puts it, «has become the central peg on which the interests of the Democratic party have been arranged,» just as, «since the days of Ronald Reagan, the Republican party has become... the pro-life party in our politics.»

The association with the Religious Right has cost Grey some support among liberals, who believe that by working with the right, Grey legitimates their position on other issues, such as abortion and gay riRight has cost Grey some support among liberals, who believe that by working with the right, Grey legitimates their position on other issues, such as abortion and gay riright, Grey legitimates their position on other issues, such as abortion and gay rights.

Roe, in turn, begat Casey v. Planned Parenthood, which positioned the «right to abortion» as a Fourteenth Amendment liberty right.

Governmental indifference to contraception was soon construed to imply governmental indifference to abortion, via the misconstrual of abortion as a matter of sexual privacy rather than as a matter of public justice; and the «right to abortion» soon became a defining issue in our politics.

The right to an abortion should be recognized as a fundamental right triggering strict scrutiny because of the great impact childbearing and childbirth has on a woman's life.

On that basis, my intention is not to discuss the rights or wrongs of abortion, but to examine the research evidence on issues such as secret abortions for teenagers, schools offering the morning - after pill, etc..

And you would be right, but as Robby notes, «The impulse to crush the rights of conscience... to ensure conformity with what have become key tenets of the liberal faith (abortion, «sexual freedom,» «same - sex marriage») is the authoritarian impulse» at work.

Therefore, the use of «reproductive rights» in SDG 5.6 means that the SDGs list as a goal abortion as a right.

Such putative rights as, for instance, the right to abortion not only have no warrant in the Declaration but clearly violate its insistence upon the rights of the family, of religion, and of conscience.

If you want to reduce the number of abortions, better to try and deal with the root causes, such as poverty, and then get more contraception into the hands of the right people.

Before the election, many evangelical leaders predicted that opposition to Obama over his support for abortion rights, his personal endorsement of same - sex marriage and his vision of government as a force for good would trump reservations evangelicals had about Romney's past social liberalism and his Mormon faith.

(Frankly, as a woman, and a feminist, I don't like people invoking my «rights» to unilaterally support abortion.)

While the official course books treat topics like abortion and euthanasia as controversial issues for which there is no definitive judgement of right or wrong, they all have a range of topics which are presented as moral absolutes.

Somewhat dubious, I searched for the data, which reveals the pro-lifer was right on the facts but offering an unsupported interpretation: The study showed that the maternal mortality rate declined after abortion was prohibited in 1989, but that it had already been declining for more than a decade, probably as a result of rising levels of women's education.

If Roe V. Wade were magically reversed today, the putative right to abortion would still inform our social and moral architecture; men and women would still think of abortion as necessary and structure their lives accordingly.

As everyone knows, there is a tremendous cultural struggle going on in national politics, manifested in disputes over abortion, capital punishment, gun control, crime, welfare, affirmative action, gay rights, school prayer, and other kindred things, many of which have a subtle racial dimension.

Even before Roe v. Wade, he wrote and spoke against abortion on demand and served as president of the National Right to Life Committee.

As he makes clear, for the most part those dealings were ham «fisted, especially when it came to Washington's efforts to establish abortion as a «human right» in international laAs he makes clear, for the most part those dealings were ham «fisted, especially when it came to Washington's efforts to establish abortion as a «human right» in international laas a «human right» in international law.

And we've seen, when issues of racial injustice flare up, vocal pro-lifers wonder why civil rights leaders don't seem as concerned about the injustice of abortion.

Since the decision of the Supreme Court of Canada in R. v. Morgentaler (1988) holding even relatively minor criminal code restrictions on abortion contrary to the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms (on similar» and similarly spurious» grounds as those of the U.S. Supreme Court in Roe v. Wade), Canada has been without restrictions on abortion.

Embracing an apparent relativism and anti-intellectualism, Prof. Smolin writes: «Even if we immediately restored the preeminence of natural rights / natural law discourse to our national jurisprudence and politics, abortion rights activists would still find ways of justifying the abortion right in that mode of discourse, just as prior generations justified the enslavement of African Americans through invoking God, the nature of things, and the Bible.»

Arkes agrees, precisely, that slavery and abortion can be defended in the «discourse» of natural rights; what he is concerned to assert is that the understanding of that discourse is destroyed by such defense — in our time as well as in Lincoln's.

In the same way, if we are, as the abortion - choice movement must assume, bearers of moral rights by nature (including the «right to choose»), then there can be no right to abortion, for the one who has the «right to choose» is identical to her prenatal self.