It appears, at least as far
as liberals and conservatives are concerned, familiarity breeds contempt.
I suspect that the liberal / conservative divide itself is a factor in these declining numbers, and yet the divide grows with every new disconcerting study
as liberals and conservatives point at one another and yell, «It's your fault!»
Suspicions are justifiably raised when it is said of an author that he «can not be pigeonholed,» or that he «moves us beyond sterile partisan disputes,» or that he «transcends categories such
as liberal and conservative.»
The divides generally follow; the lines of what are described
as liberal and conservative dispositions.
Not exact matches
The issue of marijuana has become a hot potato politically,
as Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau calls for legalization of recreational marijuana,
and the
Conservatives oppose the move, saying it would only increase use, especially among youth.
Carson
and Leno played it straighter, but their tolerant - centrist orientation (sympathetic to gays
and other minorities, scornful of the religious right) struck some
conservatives as liberal bias.
He has made himself a highly visible nuisance to
Liberal leadership, particularly by voting in favour of a
Conservative motion in the House to extend consultations on the small - business tax reforms,
and they kicked him off a couple of House committees
as punishment.
And yet,
as Reynolds points out, the
Conservative -
Liberal coalition government actually increased spending in real - dollar terms by 5.3 % in the past year.
Not only are Johnson
and Weld social
liberals and fiscal
conservatives, they espouse views traditionally associated with moderate Republican candidates on the economy, such
as favoring international trade agreements
and reducing the national debt.
Soros is actively interested in politics
as well, seen
as a friend to
liberals and an enemy of
conservatives in the US.
That is why I have concerns, whether it is the
Liberals or the
Conservatives who are trying to take credit for a system developed over generations
as a result of Canadians saying we need to support these standards
and ensure they stay in place.
One of the missing facts in Darcy's report is that while
conservatives with big microphones taught their listeners not to believe what is reported in the mainstream media (
and especially the elite press in New York
and Washington) they themselves still relied on those sources
as their baseline reality — minus the
liberal «spin,» of course.
Regardless of the response, we view this kind of public CEO activism
as a welcome counterpoint to the largely hidden involvement of corporate leaders in shaping policy through the hundreds of millions of dollars they direct to Super PACs, trade associations,
and think tanks to promote
liberal and conservative causes.
This is mostly a hypocritical argument since
liberals and conservatives both use the word «reform»
as often
as the opposition.
Among the many well - known Canadians scheduled
as «participants» were Stephen Harper's
Conservative cabinet ministers Stockwell Day (who at first denied attending)
and the then - defence minister Gordon O'Connor, deputy ministers (Defence) Ward Elcock, Peter Harder (Foreign Affairs), Associate Deputy Minister William Elliott (Public Security),
Liberal continentalist Anne McLellan, Canada's former deputy prime minister
and a defender of the oil patch, the Alberta minister of energy, Greg Melchin, General Rick Hillier, Canada's chief of defence staff, former
Conservative cabinet minister Perrin Beatty, now president of the Canadian Chamber of Commerce, the infamous continentalist Thomas d'Aquino, head of the Canadian Council of Chief Executives, Rear Admiral Roger Girouard, Maj. - Gen.
This is an idea - allowing private delivery within the publicly funded health care system - that the
Liberals have tolerated,
and the
Conservatives have a long list of quotations on their Web site designed to show that Harper's stance is the same
as the
Liberals».
Mac Harb, a
Liberal - appointed senator,
and Patrick Brazeau, appointed
as a
Conservative on the same day in 2008 when Duffy was called to his red - chamber reward, were both resisting paying back their disputed expenses, MacDougall told reporters.
For
as he kept repeating, a
Conservative government did these things,
and no
Liberal government had,
and no NDP government, on most of these files, would.
Based on what Environment Minister Peter Kent recently told CBC's Evan Solomon, the Tories no longer oppose only the broadest form of carbon tax (
as proposed Stéphane Dion is his disastrous 2008 election run
as Liberal leader), but also the cap -
and - trade option, which use to be in the
Conservative platform (it's on page 32 here).
Less information is now provided to the public in budgets than under previous
Liberal and Conservative governments; the authority of Parliament over government spending has been weakened; the understanding of Canadians
as to what the government is actually planning to do in the budget has been eroded.
Dante Dallavalle: A lot of
conservatives and liberals alike are touting the bill
as supportive of small community banks
and community development banks, because it no longer forces them to comply with regulations.
Join The Globe
and Mail on Thursday, September 17,
as it hosts
Conservative Party Leader Stephen Harper, NDP Leader Thomas Mulcair
and Liberal Leader Justin Trudeau.
It was clear even before Kraft Heinz came right out
and said
as much Tuesday that
liberal Madison Mayor Paul Soglin
and conservative Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker
and their respective backers had little reason to bash each other for not doing enough to keep Oscar Mayer's Madison plant open with taxpayer - backed financial assistance.
Conservatives would doubtlessly —
and not without some justification — respond by noting that expressed
as a share of GDP, direct program spending has simply been returned to the levels they inherited from Paul Martin's
Liberal government.
Legitimate small business tax rules — put in place by previous
Liberal and Conservative governments to support small business growth
and expansion — are now thought of
as loopholes being exploited by the fat - cat owner of the neighbourhood coffee shop, chiropractor or dry cleaner.
In his keynote address to the convention, Justin Trudeau cast next year's election
as a two - way fight between his
Liberals and the
Conservatives.
Back in 2014, it was a good idea for Trudeau
and the
Liberals to start thinking of
Conservatives as neighbours —
as people with whom they would have to find common ground.
Past
Conservative voters who own small businesses view this proposal
as unfair by nearly seven - to - one,
and they are joined in this opinion by a plurality of
Liberal - voting business owners (43 %),
as seen in the following graph:
The
Liberals have also attempted to counter the image of Prime Minister Stephen Harper put forth by the
Conservative Party, instead portraying him
as a controlling
and secretive leader with a hidden agenda,
and attacking his judgment by tying him to past
Conservative scandals, such
as the Cadman affair, alleged spending misconduct in the last election,
and the conduct of Maxime Bernier, the former
Conservative minister of foreign affairs.
Dr. Sherman was first elected
as a Progressive
Conservative MLA in 2008, became
Liberal leader in 2011
and was re-elected
as MLA for Edmonton - Meadowlark in the recent vote.
Martin, Pablo Rodriguez, Ignatieff, Coderre, John Manley
and the business
liberals as a whole are indistinguishable from the centre of the
Conservative Party,
and clearly to the right of the old red - Tories in the former Progressive
Conservative Party.
Canada
and Alberta needs a Progressive
Conservative Party
and a
Liberal Party to keep democracy stable in Canada
as well
as in Alberta.
Anyway, it'll be on policy choices that the Trudeau Government stands or falls with Canadian voters, regardless of the effort of the
Conservatives to make couture an issue,
and while there's plenty to criticize in the
Liberal policy book, taken
as a package Canadians don't yet seem that dissatisfied with what they're getting.
The
Liberals hope their candidate Mary MacDonald can regain the support they lost in the last election
and maintain their position
as the de facto alternative to the
Conservatives in this riding.
IMHO, there tends to be little electoral overlap between the provincial
and federal levels, at least in this province,
and in fact the vote splits between right, left
and centre are quite different with one unified
Conservative party (more aligned with Wildrose than with Alberta PC),
and a not - quite -
as - moribund
Liberal party in play.
Sharing their limited resources,
as the provincial
and federal New Democratic Party do officially
and the Wildrose Party
and Conservative Party have done unofficially, could provide stability in membership, fundraising,
and organization for the two
Liberal Parties in Alberta.
As the
Liberals and NDP fill ballots across the province with last minute paper candidates, with few exceptions Alberta remains safe electoral territory for the
Conservative Party of Canada.
Chances are that the
Liberals will denounce the
Conservatives,
and propose themselves
as the only alternative, leaving the big
and very profitable corporations out of it.
The party is pushing to overcome a surge of support for the
Liberals that seems to threatens any chance of the
Conservatives winning a majority government
and potentially a minority
as well.
A 2011 Maclean's survey of historians on Canada's prime ministers ranked John A. Macdonald, of course, the top
Conservative (in second spot, after
Liberal Wilfrid Laurier)
and pegged Borden
as the next highest - rated Tory PM (in eighth position overall).
Harper has yet to set a date for the byelection but it is already being seen
as a trial run for the 2015 election, with the NDP
and Liberals each trying to prove they are the only real alternative to the governing
Conservatives.
I can't imagine he's ignorant of the fact that «
liberal» is a standard term in theology,
and that «
conservative,» while lacking the same pedigree, has an obvious theological meaning
as well.
At the same time, Posner, in describing moral academics
as split between «two main subsets, the
liberal «secular
and the
conservative «religious,» may mislead readers into believing that the academy is more or less equally split between those two groups.
Pluralism, much
as it continues to be prized among
liberals, is a self - destructive notion rejected by both radicals
and conservatives.
To me it reads
as if you think that being
liberal is somehow inferior to being
conservative,
and because «rebelling against» anything is often associated with juveniles.
But there is perhaps a use we might make of the postmodern in apologetics, for the collapse of modernity may allow believers to speak once again about God without defensiveness or self - consciousness, may allow believers both to escape political categorization
as liberal or
conservative and to escape the modern view that sees political categories
as fundamental.
I watch the horror
and intolerance of my «
liberal» friends trashing «
conservatives»
as severely
as the bundled up man in the NP cartoon.
Just
as conservatives denounce the Westboro baptist church
and their tactics, I hope that «
liberals» everywhere denounce those who use hateful threats of violence, death,
and damnation
as tactics for furthering the
liberal agenda (or ANY agenda at that)
There remain both «federal
conservatives»
and «federal
liberals» (
as the English Evangelical Graham Kings has put it), both groups of which, for all their doctrinal differences, share the belief that Anglicanism
as a communion does not matter all that much.
There's an increasingly powerful consensus among both
liberals and conservatives that, within reasonable limits, people should be able to do
as they please.