Sentences with phrase «as social critiques»

Unfamiliar with symbolism - laden allegory, and without knowing how allegories function as social critiques, most students manage only a surface - level comprehension of the text, missing the opportunity to explore the larger ideas of human capability and culpability.
Functioning as a social critique but operating first and foremost as the driest, bleakest type of comedy, the film seeks not chuckles but gasps of amused horror, a goal most ably and hauntingly achieved during a sick - joke finale in which the bubble is finally burst thanks to a sly bit of pop - culture infiltration.
The museum has installed videos by three artists — Charles Atlas, Barbara Kruger and Kara Walker — known for the ways they wield art as social critique.

Not exact matches

As an example of what she said was Bloom's commitment to women and social - justice issues, Walsh described Bloom's reaction when Walsh gave her a copy of «Why I Am Not A Feminist: A Feminist Manifesto,» a critique of mainstream feminism as toothlesAs an example of what she said was Bloom's commitment to women and social - justice issues, Walsh described Bloom's reaction when Walsh gave her a copy of «Why I Am Not A Feminist: A Feminist Manifesto,» a critique of mainstream feminism as toothlesas toothless.
A justified process - rooted philosophical appreciation of social canons can be taught through a pedagogical strategy that begins with their critique, that expunges them from the natural given furnishings of the immediately real in order to rediscover them as the inherited cultural accretions by which we transform the immediately real into a world of enduring meanings and human significance.
This understanding of the limited scope of scientific method had been generally accepted since Kant's Critique of Pure Reason (1781); but in nineteenth - century evolutionary parlance it took on the specific meaning that «all beginnings and endings are lost in mystery,» a phrase that became commonplace in the sciences and social sciences as a way of dismissing or circumventing probing questions that sought to assess the larger implications or consequences of scientific analysis.
The communitarian critique of liberalism, whatever one may think of it as philosophy, has succeeded in reminding liberals that liberalism does have social and cultural presuppositions, and that these must be attended to if liberalism is to survive.
I believe that Muller's mistake is rooted in a too facile assimilation of Hume and Burke (Burke attacked metaphysical politics and not metaphysics per se, and assuredly believed that custom as «second nature» was deeply rooted in an unchangeable human and social nature) and in a general failure to confront fully the important conservative critique of relativism and historicism.
At the same time, it provides grounds for a sympathetic critique of the charismatic movement's foibles, as well as of the foibles of evangelicals and social activists.
Spelled out in a lengthy lead editorial entitled «Evangelicals in the Social Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political sSocial Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political sSocial Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political ssocial responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political system.
Since Harold Lindsell assumed the position of editor late in the sixties, Christianity Today has moved away from the mere elucidation of socially related Biblical principles, as Henry thought was right, to an ongoing commitment to social critique and specific commentary on a wide range of social and political issues.
The critique of the youthful counterculture permeated social consciousness; there was a radical questioning of the foundations of our bureaucratic technocracy and a resistance to what was perceived as Underwood's emphasis on quantitative / verifiable methods.
I thank Brent Slife for his support of my critique of the compartmentalization that prevails in the social sciences and humanities at BYU (as elsewhere, of course), and even more for his valuable work as a teacher and scholar in questioning this compartmentalization.
The treatment of these categories by Carroll and Hopewell lacks theological and social critique as though all four perspectives have equal validity.
There is in Revelation 18 (again following the lead of Mottu»») an implicit social critique which can be analyzed under the Marxist categories of religion as distress and protest.34 Latent in the liturgical form of this passage there is a primitive or «savage» political analysis of the Roman Empire.
Here is a Master's Thesis by Ben Chenoweth (over 150 pages) critiquing Herzog's social science approach to the Parable of the Talents, as well as critiquing N.T. Wright's interpretation.
Neither Catholic speaker critiqued atheist philosophies and the dehumanising consequences they engender, the loss of freedom, hope and social cohesion, and the violence that often characterises not just Marxist atheism but humanist secularism, as in the French Revolution, for example.
This claim seems to me to be far more philosophically penetrating, and more disturbing, than the often - heard but more piecemeal criticisms of modern technology's negative environmental, economic, or social - political consequences, or even the critique of present uses of technology as «inhumane» or contrary to basic human values.
This final part of Griffin's argument for the process theodicy turns on an assumption that he appears to have borrowed by Hartshorne, viz., that the so - called «social view» of omnipotence is the only alternative to the monopolistic (and thus to the standard) view.9 The critique of the latter thus established the former as (in Griffin's words) «the only view that is coherent if one is talking about the power a being with the greatest conceivable amount of power could have over a created, i.e. an actual world» (GPE 269).
In sum, we can speak of (a) a relation to nature — the animal kingdom, the calming of a storm, rain and fruitfulness of the land; (b) the social and political community — the overcoming of economic injustice, oppression, cheating or bribing, conflict and lack of compassion; (c) the wellbeing of persons in the community — an aspect assumed in the critique of things that hinder it (covetousness, anger, jealousy) and depicted as family and communal harmony.
Turning first to the Asian values claims, I offer a four-fold critique of the these culture - based claims: first, I will briefly address the Asian values claim on a substantive level; second, I will address a related cultural prerequisites argument which seeks to disqualify some societies from realization of democracy and human rights; third, I will consider claims made on behalf of community or communitarian values in the East Asian context; and fourth, a recent shift to concern with institutions and their role in social transformation will be considered as a prelude to the constitutionalist argument addressed in the second half of this essay.
Similarly, when a group of Christians in the Asian American community recently released a letter detailing some of their concerns about common stereotypes and prejudices within the evangelical community, I saw many on social media critique this action as «divisive» and «harmful to Christian unity.»
The lack of built - in social support is an interesting critiqueas there's certainly a healthy social scene online built around veganism (the subreddit r / vegan comes to mind)-- but yes, no Jenny Craig or Weight Watchers system.
Firstly, it critiques social liberalism, as you mention here.
Democratic Republicanism is more critical of capitalism than most social democratic critiques, because it stresses the importance of freedom for citizen participation as vital to creating autonomy and liberty, and the conflict between labour markets and citizenship.
Others, such as blogger Minna Salami (self - branded as «MsAfropolitan»), and scholars Achille Mbembe and Chielozona Eze, have engaged with these critiques, yet argue there is still social, political and analytical value in the concept of Afropolitanism.
Keynes offered the Attlee Government a macro-economic framework for post-war recovery; Hayek's «market society» offered Mrs Thatcher's Tories a roadmap away from post-war social democratic serfdom; Giddens's «Third Way» socio - philosophy allowed «New» Labour to synthesise or transcend the old dogmas of state - centric social democracy and neo-liberalism»; and Phillip Blond gave a critique of the market and the state in order for Cameron to claim «society» and its renewal as the key priority of modern Conservatism.
Peter Beresford's critique of Paul Burstow's legacy as social care minister pulled no punches, but history may offer a kinder assessment of the coalition government's record on social care after two years.
Ed M described socialism as being a critique of capitalism in the opening week hustings, while making it clear that was about a social democratic intervention http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/top-stories/2010/05/18/new-labour-is-dead-what-counts-now-is-next-labour-115875-22266479/
It works as discussion on social interactions, the role technology has on our lives, and a critique of the increasing reliance we have on social media.
No filmmaker has ever been as successful as Chaplin in tugging at our heartstrings while simultaneously leaving us helpless in laughter, and this gem finds him operating at the peak of his abilities, even throwing his usual social critique into the mix.
All of this context is valuable, particularly as it establishes Graham's moral dilemma about whether to move ahead with printing reports of Ellsberg's leaks: Not only must she imperil her paper's financial health and draw the ire of a vindictive president, but she must also assent to damning, historically vital critique of her vacation partners and social relations.
Still, what works in Happy Times is what has worked in this director's best work (Shanghai Triad, Raise the Red Lantern, Red Sorghum): mordant social critique so far removed from realism that its status as political allegory is as subtle as a neon sign and a crack to the noggin.
There is no doubt that this film serves as a gritty social critique, and was one of the few truly introspectively critical films of the festival.
If its gameplay systems and available interactions are as bold and progressive as its attempt at political and social critique then this has every chance to push the series back to the top of the open - world pyramid.
While it starts out as a critique of social networking, it soon becomes more about what our society may be reduced to in the absence of all authority — where the strong rule and the weak have no freedom.
Alas, too much of Storytelling moves away from Solondz's social critique, casting its audience as that of intellectual lector in contemplation of the auteur's professional injuries.
Certainly, it can be seen as a critique of home - schooling and as championing the need for social interaction for all children (a more recent film, Captain Fantastic [2016], broaches the same topic, albeit without the pitch - black humour).
And for the record, Wells wasn't so much criticizing the depiction as he was Stanton's apparent refusal to own any sort of social critique (which he still isn't willing to do).
«Yes, audiences are more disposed toward being inclusive in matters of race and sexuality in the 21st century than they were in the 20th — witness the (Oscar) win by A Fantastic Woman, starring a trans actor in the leading role, as Best Foreign Film of the year, and the other major mainstream film of the year, Get Out, Jordan Peele's social critique / horror film, which also dominated at the box office.
«The Square» This was a peculiar year at the Cannes Film Festival, as a generation of filmmakers who follow in the footsteps of Michael Haneke and his austere brand of social critique managed to outshine the artist who inspired them: Yorgos Lanthimos» «The Killing a Sacred Deer,» Andrey Zvyagintsev's «Loveless» and this sprawling Palme d'Or winner from Swedish director Ruben Ostlund were each fresh provocations, while Haneke's «Happy End» felt like a worn - out greatest - hits record.
Global Education can contribute to the visioning process, but it can also play a role in the critique and the creation of new forms where social movements, indigenous and community — non-formal learning approaches — are essential as they allow for values not central to formal learning and give voice to the collective and marginalized.
For me to critique any of those elements, uninvited, was perceived as a desecration of his prized social space.
Class sessions that critiqued notions of social justice and multiculturalism, raised concerns about affirmative action or a culture of «victimhood,» advocated phonics and back - to - basics instruction, or were generally positive with regard to testing or choice - based reform were coded as «right leaning.»
As students learn to use technology tools to build representations of a social world's characteristics, they generate reflective critical thought through their analysis and critique of the identities, relationships, and values constructed by the cultural practices and discourses in that social world.
to critique injustice; as a teacher educator, Ladson - Billings had noticed prospective teachers» unwillingness to bring social inequities into the classroom and sought to reverse that trend.
While those authors have done a better job of this kind of social critique through fantasy, this should not demerit The Black Witch in and of itself either, as it speaks very much to the contemporary reality within which it was published.
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Marxism is based on such principles as the critique of capitalism, materialistic interpretation of history and ideas of social change.
Imitation of Life considers the context of racial politics over the last fifteen years in the US and Europe, focusing on artists whose work uses (melo) drama as a form of social, political and institutional critique.
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