Unfamiliar with symbolism - laden allegory, and without knowing how allegories function
as social critiques, most students manage only a surface - level comprehension of the text, missing the opportunity to explore the larger ideas of human capability and culpability.
Functioning
as a social critique but operating first and foremost as the driest, bleakest type of comedy, the film seeks not chuckles but gasps of amused horror, a goal most ably and hauntingly achieved during a sick - joke finale in which the bubble is finally burst thanks to a sly bit of pop - culture infiltration.
The museum has installed videos by three artists — Charles Atlas, Barbara Kruger and Kara Walker — known for the ways they wield art
as social critique.
Not exact matches
As an example of what she said was Bloom's commitment to women and social - justice issues, Walsh described Bloom's reaction when Walsh gave her a copy of «Why I Am Not A Feminist: A Feminist Manifesto,» a critique of mainstream feminism as toothles
As an example of what she said was Bloom's commitment to women and
social - justice issues, Walsh described Bloom's reaction when Walsh gave her a copy of «Why I Am Not A Feminist: A Feminist Manifesto,» a
critique of mainstream feminism
as toothles
as toothless.
A justified process - rooted philosophical appreciation of
social canons can be taught through a pedagogical strategy that begins with their
critique, that expunges them from the natural given furnishings of the immediately real in order to rediscover them
as the inherited cultural accretions by which we transform the immediately real into a world of enduring meanings and human significance.
This understanding of the limited scope of scientific method had been generally accepted since Kant's
Critique of Pure Reason (1781); but in nineteenth - century evolutionary parlance it took on the specific meaning that «all beginnings and endings are lost in mystery,» a phrase that became commonplace in the sciences and
social sciences
as a way of dismissing or circumventing probing questions that sought to assess the larger implications or consequences of scientific analysis.
The communitarian
critique of liberalism, whatever one may think of it
as philosophy, has succeeded in reminding liberals that liberalism does have
social and cultural presuppositions, and that these must be attended to if liberalism is to survive.
I believe that Muller's mistake is rooted in a too facile assimilation of Hume and Burke (Burke attacked metaphysical politics and not metaphysics per se, and assuredly believed that custom
as «second nature» was deeply rooted in an unchangeable human and
social nature) and in a general failure to confront fully the important conservative
critique of relativism and historicism.
At the same time, it provides grounds for a sympathetic
critique of the charismatic movement's foibles,
as well
as of the foibles of evangelicals and
social activists.
Spelled out in a lengthy lead editorial entitled «Evangelicals in the
Social Struggle,» as well as in books such as Aspects of Christian Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political s
Social Struggle,»
as well
as in books such
as Aspects of Christian
Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political s
Social Ethics, Henry's understanding of Christian
social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political s
social responsibility stressed (a) society's need for the spiritual regeneration of all men and women, (b) an interim
social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political s
social program of humanitarian care, ethical proclamation, and personal, structural application, and (c) a theory of limited government centering on certain «freedom rights,» e. g., the rights to public property, free speech, and so on.18 Though the shape of this
social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political s
social ethic thus closely parallels that of the present editorial position of Moody Monthly, it must be distinguished from its counterpart by the time period involved (it pushed others like Moody Monthly into a more active involvement in the
social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political s
social arena), by the intensity of its commitment to
social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural critique on the American political s
social responsibility, by the sophistication of its insight into political theory and practice, and by its willingness to offer structural
critique on the American political system.
Since Harold Lindsell assumed the position of editor late in the sixties, Christianity Today has moved away from the mere elucidation of socially related Biblical principles,
as Henry thought was right, to an ongoing commitment to
social critique and specific commentary on a wide range of
social and political issues.
The
critique of the youthful counterculture permeated
social consciousness; there was a radical questioning of the foundations of our bureaucratic technocracy and a resistance to what was perceived
as Underwood's emphasis on quantitative / verifiable methods.
I thank Brent Slife for his support of my
critique of the compartmentalization that prevails in the
social sciences and humanities at BYU (
as elsewhere, of course), and even more for his valuable work
as a teacher and scholar in questioning this compartmentalization.
The treatment of these categories by Carroll and Hopewell lacks theological and
social critique as though all four perspectives have equal validity.
There is in Revelation 18 (again following the lead of Mottu»») an implicit
social critique which can be analyzed under the Marxist categories of religion
as distress and protest.34 Latent in the liturgical form of this passage there is a primitive or «savage» political analysis of the Roman Empire.
Here is a Master's Thesis by Ben Chenoweth (over 150 pages)
critiquing Herzog's
social science approach to the Parable of the Talents,
as well
as critiquing N.T. Wright's interpretation.
Neither Catholic speaker
critiqued atheist philosophies and the dehumanising consequences they engender, the loss of freedom, hope and
social cohesion, and the violence that often characterises not just Marxist atheism but humanist secularism,
as in the French Revolution, for example.
This claim seems to me to be far more philosophically penetrating, and more disturbing, than the often - heard but more piecemeal criticisms of modern technology's negative environmental, economic, or
social - political consequences, or even the
critique of present uses of technology
as «inhumane» or contrary to basic human values.
This final part of Griffin's argument for the process theodicy turns on an assumption that he appears to have borrowed by Hartshorne, viz., that the so - called «
social view» of omnipotence is the only alternative to the monopolistic (and thus to the standard) view.9 The
critique of the latter thus established the former
as (in Griffin's words) «the only view that is coherent if one is talking about the power a being with the greatest conceivable amount of power could have over a created, i.e. an actual world» (GPE 269).
In sum, we can speak of (a) a relation to nature — the animal kingdom, the calming of a storm, rain and fruitfulness of the land; (b) the
social and political community — the overcoming of economic injustice, oppression, cheating or bribing, conflict and lack of compassion; (c) the wellbeing of persons in the community — an aspect assumed in the
critique of things that hinder it (covetousness, anger, jealousy) and depicted
as family and communal harmony.
Turning first to the Asian values claims, I offer a four-fold
critique of the these culture - based claims: first, I will briefly address the Asian values claim on a substantive level; second, I will address a related cultural prerequisites argument which seeks to disqualify some societies from realization of democracy and human rights; third, I will consider claims made on behalf of community or communitarian values in the East Asian context; and fourth, a recent shift to concern with institutions and their role in
social transformation will be considered
as a prelude to the constitutionalist argument addressed in the second half of this essay.
Similarly, when a group of Christians in the Asian American community recently released a letter detailing some of their concerns about common stereotypes and prejudices within the evangelical community, I saw many on
social media
critique this action
as «divisive» and «harmful to Christian unity.»
The lack of built - in
social support is an interesting
critique —
as there's certainly a healthy
social scene online built around veganism (the subreddit r / vegan comes to mind)-- but yes, no Jenny Craig or Weight Watchers system.
Firstly, it
critiques social liberalism,
as you mention here.
Democratic Republicanism is more critical of capitalism than most
social democratic
critiques, because it stresses the importance of freedom for citizen participation
as vital to creating autonomy and liberty, and the conflict between labour markets and citizenship.
Others, such
as blogger Minna Salami (self - branded
as «MsAfropolitan»), and scholars Achille Mbembe and Chielozona Eze, have engaged with these
critiques, yet argue there is still
social, political and analytical value in the concept of Afropolitanism.
Keynes offered the Attlee Government a macro-economic framework for post-war recovery; Hayek's «market society» offered Mrs Thatcher's Tories a roadmap away from post-war
social democratic serfdom; Giddens's «Third Way» socio - philosophy allowed «New» Labour to synthesise or transcend the old dogmas of state - centric
social democracy and neo-liberalism»; and Phillip Blond gave a
critique of the market and the state in order for Cameron to claim «society» and its renewal
as the key priority of modern Conservatism.
Peter Beresford's
critique of Paul Burstow's legacy
as social care minister pulled no punches, but history may offer a kinder assessment of the coalition government's record on
social care after two years.
Ed M described socialism
as being a
critique of capitalism in the opening week hustings, while making it clear that was about a
social democratic intervention http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/top-stories/2010/05/18/new-labour-is-dead-what-counts-now-is-next-labour-115875-22266479/
It works
as discussion on
social interactions, the role technology has on our lives, and a
critique of the increasing reliance we have on
social media.
No filmmaker has ever been
as successful
as Chaplin in tugging at our heartstrings while simultaneously leaving us helpless in laughter, and this gem finds him operating at the peak of his abilities, even throwing his usual
social critique into the mix.
All of this context is valuable, particularly
as it establishes Graham's moral dilemma about whether to move ahead with printing reports of Ellsberg's leaks: Not only must she imperil her paper's financial health and draw the ire of a vindictive president, but she must also assent to damning, historically vital
critique of her vacation partners and
social relations.
Still, what works in Happy Times is what has worked in this director's best work (Shanghai Triad, Raise the Red Lantern, Red Sorghum): mordant
social critique so far removed from realism that its status
as political allegory is
as subtle
as a neon sign and a crack to the noggin.
There is no doubt that this film serves
as a gritty
social critique, and was one of the few truly introspectively critical films of the festival.
If its gameplay systems and available interactions are
as bold and progressive
as its attempt at political and
social critique then this has every chance to push the series back to the top of the open - world pyramid.
While it starts out
as a
critique of
social networking, it soon becomes more about what our society may be reduced to in the absence of all authority — where the strong rule and the weak have no freedom.
Alas, too much of Storytelling moves away from Solondz's
social critique, casting its audience
as that of intellectual lector in contemplation of the auteur's professional injuries.
Certainly, it can be seen
as a
critique of home - schooling and
as championing the need for
social interaction for all children (a more recent film, Captain Fantastic [2016], broaches the same topic, albeit without the pitch - black humour).
And for the record, Wells wasn't so much criticizing the depiction
as he was Stanton's apparent refusal to own any sort of
social critique (which he still isn't willing to do).
«Yes, audiences are more disposed toward being inclusive in matters of race and sexuality in the 21st century than they were in the 20th — witness the (Oscar) win by A Fantastic Woman, starring a trans actor in the leading role,
as Best Foreign Film of the year, and the other major mainstream film of the year, Get Out, Jordan Peele's
social critique / horror film, which also dominated at the box office.
«The Square» This was a peculiar year at the Cannes Film Festival,
as a generation of filmmakers who follow in the footsteps of Michael Haneke and his austere brand of
social critique managed to outshine the artist who inspired them: Yorgos Lanthimos» «The Killing a Sacred Deer,» Andrey Zvyagintsev's «Loveless» and this sprawling Palme d'Or winner from Swedish director Ruben Ostlund were each fresh provocations, while Haneke's «Happy End» felt like a worn - out greatest - hits record.
Global Education can contribute to the visioning process, but it can also play a role in the
critique and the creation of new forms where
social movements, indigenous and community — non-formal learning approaches — are essential
as they allow for values not central to formal learning and give voice to the collective and marginalized.
For me to
critique any of those elements, uninvited, was perceived
as a desecration of his prized
social space.
Class sessions that
critiqued notions of
social justice and multiculturalism, raised concerns about affirmative action or a culture of «victimhood,» advocated phonics and back - to - basics instruction, or were generally positive with regard to testing or choice - based reform were coded
as «right leaning.»
As students learn to use technology tools to build representations of a
social world's characteristics, they generate reflective critical thought through their analysis and
critique of the identities, relationships, and values constructed by the cultural practices and discourses in that
social world.
to
critique injustice;
as a teacher educator, Ladson - Billings had noticed prospective teachers» unwillingness to bring
social inequities into the classroom and sought to reverse that trend.
While those authors have done a better job of this kind of
social critique through fantasy, this should not demerit The Black Witch in and of itself either,
as it speaks very much to the contemporary reality within which it was published.
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Marxism is based on such principles
as the
critique of capitalism, materialistic interpretation of history and ideas of
social change.
Imitation of Life considers the context of racial politics over the last fifteen years in the US and Europe, focusing on artists whose work uses (melo) drama
as a form of
social, political and institutional
critique.