Sentences with phrase «as social liberalism»

Hobhouse disliked Marxist socialism, describing his own position as liberal socialism and later as social liberalism.

In a global context, this philosophy is usually referred to as social liberalism.

Not exact matches

As it seeks to apply this voluntarism to marriage and family, which are not mere social constructs but are firmly anchored in God's creation, we may see liberalism at last reaching a breaking point.

Castigating a «popular piety» such as associated with liberalism in its political and social rhetoric, she says that we «mark our gain in sensibility and our loss of vision,» in that having lost faith, «we govern by tenderness,» a tenderness «wrapped in theory.»

Before the election, many evangelical leaders predicted that opposition to Obama over his support for abortion rights, his personal endorsement of same - sex marriage and his vision of government as a force for good would trump reservations evangelicals had about Romney's past social liberalism and his Mormon faith.

The problem is that a basic tenet of classical liberalism — a tenet generally accepted in the Western world by «liberals,» as well as by many «conservatives» — is that differences regarding fundamental principles of human nature and morality are not a threat to social and political life.

Liberalism and Marxism, which both saw natural law as carrying history upward to a new, glorious age, have been challenged by the social dynamics of Spengler, Nietzsche, Toynbee, and Sorokin.

The communitarian critique of liberalism, whatever one may think of it as philosophy, has succeeded in reminding liberals that liberalism does have social and cultural presuppositions, and that these must be attended to if liberalism is to survive.

Changing political circumstances altered political ideals over the next seventy years, such that pro-Catholic thinkers such as Félicité de Lamennais gradually began to endorse liberalism's doctrine of religious liberty as a way of providing safe harbor for the Church's social influence within a French state that was no longer officially Catholic.

This retreat came as a reaction to the theological liberalism of the «social gospel» movement.

And while the strains of the post-Conciliar years (which were also years of tremendous demographic transformation on the American urban / suburban landscape) have tested that claim as never before, there remain, in this, the sesquicentennial year of the erection of the diocese, many impressive signs of vitality in a local church that has been distinguished for its rich ethnic diversity, its identification of parish and neighborhood, its impressive clerical and lay leadership, its self - conscious social and political liberalism, and its sense of itself as the «lead diocese» in matters ranging from liturgical renewal to Christian social action.

Liberalism's founders tended to take for granted the persistence of social norms, even as they sought to liberate individuals from those constitutive associations and the accompanying education in self - limitation that sustained these norms.

As Niebuhr contemplated the shambles of the Depression, he became deeply convinced that modern liberalism, whether in its secular or its religious form, could not provide relevant guidance for social and political reconstruction.

This is important, I believe, in order to contextualize the real import of liberation theology as calling for a new realization of social justice in dialectical contradiction to conservatism and liberalism.

The realisation of the fluidity of social structures and the capacity of man to alter his political and economic environment is a nineteenth century insight, which became the inheritance of liberalism and neo-Protestantism as well.14

Social action was not informed by a lively sense of Christian community, rigorous prayer, and disciplined Bible study; our secular critics and our conservative brothers and sisters were not far off the mark in describing Christian social analysis as warmed - over liberSocial action was not informed by a lively sense of Christian community, rigorous prayer, and disciplined Bible study; our secular critics and our conservative brothers and sisters were not far off the mark in describing Christian social analysis as warmed - over libersocial analysis as warmed - over liberalism.

The Dolan Project, in other words, is much less a matter of new facts than of new interpretive filters, of «a tendency to endorse as theological liberalism what the old [historiography] endorsed as social and procedural liberalism.»

From a purely terminology standpoint, I believe you are in the social liberalism domain (which when implemented is usually referred to as a social market economy).

Personalised exchange between social unequals has been viewed as either a perversion of liberalism's central tenets of equality and freedom of choice or as a screen concealing exploitation.

Firstly, it critiques social liberalism, as you mention here.

Because they were aimed at «social,» as well as economic reform, American liberalism took on the connotations of socialism.

The rich tradition of alternative liberalism has much to offer by way of solutions to inexorably widening inequality — as social movements are beginning to realise.

[59][60] Political commentators identified Clegg's leadership as promoting a shift to the radical centre in the Liberal Democrats, bringing more emphasis to the economically liberal side of social liberalism.

We must not be afraid to defend our legacy of social liberalism, which is the legacy of individuals such as William Beveridge, John Maynard Keynes and David Lloyd George.

Hi John, we would like to keep in touch with the Social Liberal diaspora, but as far as SLF membership is concerned we want our members to stay in the party and support our campaigns for social liberSocial Liberal diaspora, but as far as SLF membership is concerned we want our members to stay in the party and support our campaigns for social libersocial liberalism.

«Social liberalism seeks to enhance the freedom of the individual as well as empower them and their communities as part of a vibrant local democracy.

Social liberalism recognises that an individual's material and personal circumstances can act as a constraint on them realising freedom.

Founded by a merger of the Social Democratic Party and the Liberal Party, the party can be simplistically labelled as a mixture of economic liberalism and social liberalism, and it has become fashionable to insist that while the party could sit comfortably with such differences when in opposition, it is much trickier when in government, particularly as a minority Social Democratic Party and the Liberal Party, the party can be simplistically labelled as a mixture of economic liberalism and social liberalism, and it has become fashionable to insist that while the party could sit comfortably with such differences when in opposition, it is much trickier when in government, particularly as a minority social liberalism, and it has become fashionable to insist that while the party could sit comfortably with such differences when in opposition, it is much trickier when in government, particularly as a minority party.

His predecessor, Paddy Ashdown, has described him as having moved the Liberal Democrats «to what you might call the right... The liberalism of the old Liberal party was a comfortable social liberalism, which didn't take into account economic liberty as well as social liberty.

However, some American fiscal conservatives view wider social liberalism as an impetus for increased spending on these programs.

As such, fiscal conservatism today exists somewhere between classical liberalism and contemporary consequentialist political philosophies, and is often influenced by coinciding levels of social conservatism.

The Liberal Democrat party, as the name suggests, has from its inception been ideologically torn between the progressivism of the social democratic tradition and the aspiration of traditional liberalism.

A wise third party (and the Libertarians are not wise) would seek to claim the fiscal conservative mantle while redefining «social conservatism» as a form of liberalism and embracing what we now call «social liberalism».

When asked to name a policy area that the pair differed on, Lamb would cite his support for assisted dying — something Farron opposes — as being fundamental to his social liberalism.

«Social Liberalism stops before it gets in the way of people making their lives as they want to make them.»

In the decades that followed, the use of the term «neoliberal» tended to refer to theories which diverged from the more laissez - faire doctrine of classical liberalism and which promoted instead a market economy under the guidance and rules of a strong state, a model which came to be known as the social market economy.

In Europe, this social liberalism is closer to European Social democracy although the original form is advocated by some liberal parties in Europe as well, as with the Beveridge Group faction within the Liberal Democrats (United Kingdom), Liberals (Sweden), Danish Social Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for exsocial liberalism is closer to European Social democracy although the original form is advocated by some liberal parties in Europe as well, as with the Beveridge Group faction within the Liberal Democrats (United Kingdom), Liberals (Sweden), Danish Social Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for exSocial democracy although the original form is advocated by some liberal parties in Europe as well, as with the Beveridge Group faction within the Liberal Democrats (United Kingdom), Liberals (Sweden), Danish Social Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for exSocial Liberal Party, the Democratic Movement (France), the Italian Republican Party or the Free Democratic Party of Germany, for example.

Although we celebrate Hardie as the founder of the Labour Party, he also operated in the space between competing variants of liberalism: its radical, individualistic strands and a more collectivist social liberalism.

There is something in this: Mr Blair converted Labour to economic liberalism just as David Cameron converted the Tories to social liberalism.

True artists will always be free in their submission only to one cause - not fame or celebrity, not a career, not pieces of paper from universities, but to that of whether that colour can possibly be right, whether in saturation it is discordant with the image intended, whether a composite form is distractingly discordant to the whole, (as well exemplified in the Angel of the North), not the political agenda of Liberalism in all things - to do as one likes privately or publicly so call it art «because I say it is», or to be «relevant» to a «handout dogma» by revered establishment figures of any description: nothing, as Sickert put it, that follows a «finicky programme of social pieties», and again as he says, quite rightly, defining art as «what I do» - in essence a rigid and confining agenda of a politicised mind.

Some of the subjects that will be discussedare: the effects that art has on identity politics; self - organization as intervention; social abstraction; institutional liberalism; history and the unmaking / remaking; and labor and corporate institutionalism as detachment.